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THE YEAR 1907-1908 




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Allen County Public Library 
900 Webster Street i 

St B WavnONA6801-22T0 



This volume of the Proceedings of the Mississippi 
Valley Historical Association covers the transactions of 
the Association from its inception in October, 1907, to 
the close of the first annual meeting in June, 1908. The 
record of meetings, although given in detail, is not in 
every respect a literal transcript from the books of the 
Secretary-Treasurer. Some alterations and omissions 
have been made for the sake of uniformity and brevity. 

To Mr. Clarence S. Paine, the Secretary-Treasurer 
of the Association, the editor is indebted for much assist- 
ance in collecting the materials for this volume. In pre- 
paring the copy for the printers and also in reading the 
proofs Dr. John C. Parish, Assistant Editor in The State 
Historical Society of Iowa, rendered valuable aid and 
counsel. The index is the work of Mr. Dan E. Clark, 
Eesearch Assistant in The State Historical Society of 

Benj. F. Shambaugh 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 
Iowa City, Iowa 



Historical Sketch ....... 9 

Constitution ........ 13 

Officers for 1907-1908 . . ... . . 15 

Meetings for 1907-1908 

Organization Meeting 19 

December Meeting 24 

First Annual Meeting 29 

Eeport of Secretary-Treasurer, June, 1908 . . 37 

Addresses and Papers 

The Explorations of Verendrye and His Sons . 43 
The Mandans from the Archaeological and Histor- 
ical Standpoint 56 

The British Board of Trade and the American Col- 
onies 64 

The Nebraska Country (by title) ... 80 

The Relation of State and Local Historical Socie- 
ties (by title) ...... 80 

Co-operation Among Historical Agencies and Activ- 
ities of the Mississippi Valley ... 80 
The Study and Writing of History in the Mississippi 

Valley 98 

Amana : The Home of the Community of True In- 
spiration (by title) ..... Ill 
The Story of Draper's Activities as a Collector 

(by title) . Ill 

The Diplomatic Correspondence of Augustus Cae- 
sar Dodge Ill 

Slavery as a Factor in Missouri History (by title) 121 

The Sectional Elements in the Early History of 

Milwaukee • 121 

Index .....-••• 137 


The Mississippi Valley Historical Association is the 
outgrowth of a realization that the history of the Middle 
West is marked by a unity of development which justifies 
an organized and unified study, that the activities of the 
State historical societies and departments of history and 
of archives need the supplement of a broader work and a 
closer correlation, and that the history of the United 
States as a whole can not be justly written without a 
more adequate study of the forces and events by which 
the region west of the Alleghanies and east of the Rockies 
has taken its part in the life of the Nation. 

On July 29, 1907, a call was issued by the President 
and Secretary of the Nebraska State Historical Society 
to the secretaries of the State historical societies of the 
Mississippi Valley, inviting them to meet on October 15, 
1907, at Lincoln, Nebraska, "for the purpose of consid- 
ering plans for effecting a permanent organization for 
the advancement of historical research and the collection 
and conservation of historical material in these western 
States." The date of the meeting was later changed 
to October 17 and 18, 1907, to suit the convenience of 
some who could not otherwise attend ; and on those days 
representatives of seven historical societies met at 
Lincoln and effected the temporary organization of the 
Mississippi Valley Historical Association. 

On the evening of October 17, 1907, Mr. Clarence S. 
Paine, Secretary of the Nebraska State Historical So- 
ciety, introduced Dr. George L. Miller, President of the 
Nebraska State Historical Society, who delivered an 
address of welcome. The response to this address was 
made by Mr. Benj. F. Shambaugh of The State Historical 


Society of Iowa. Short speeches were also made by 
representatives of the various State societies, who spoke 
in general of the collections and activities of the histori- 
cal organizations of which they were in charge. Some 
of the speakers were: F. A. Sampson of the State His- 
torical Society of Missouri, Edgar E. Harlan of the 
Historical Department of Iowa, Warren Upham of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, W. S. Bell of the Montana 
Historical and Miscellaneous Library, and George W. 
Martin of the Kansas State Historical Society. 

On the following morning a business session was 
held at which Mr. F. A. Sampson presided and Mr. Edgar 
R. Harlan acted as secretary. A tentative organization 
— outlined after that of the Pacific Coast Branch of the 
American Historical Association — was accomplished 
and a temporary constitution adopted. The officers 
elected at this session were as follows : President, Fran- 
cis A. Sampson of Missouri; Vice President, Warren 
Upham of Minnesota ; and Secretary-Treasurer, Clarence 
S. Paine of Nebraska. These officers, together with 
Reuben Gold Thwaites of the State Historical Society of 
Wisconsin and George W. Martin of the Kansas State 
Historical Society, were to act as an executive com- 
mittee until the first meeting of the Association which 
was to be held at Madison, Wisconsin, in connection with 
the annual meeting of the American Historical Associa- 

Two sessions of the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association were held at Madison in the Library Build- 
ing of the State Historical Society — one on the after- 
noon of Saturday, December 28, and the other at nine 
o 'clock on Monday morning, December 30, 1907. At these 
sessions a permanent organization was effected, a perma- 
nent constitution adopted, and officers elected. 

The first annual meeting of the Association was held 
at Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, on June 22 and 23, 1908. 


Interest in the movement has constantly increased, and 
the membership (to which anyone interested in the stndy 
of Mississippi Valley history is eligible upon the pay- 
ment of the animal dues of one dollar) has shown a 
steady and gratifying growth. The Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association has passed the experimental stage. 



The name of this organization shall be The Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Association. 


The object of the Association shall be to promote 
historical stndy and research and to secure cooperation 
between the historical societies and the departments of 
history of the Mississippi Valley. 


Any one interested in the study of Mississippi Valley 
history may become an active member upon payment of 
the dues hereinafter provided. 


The officers of the Association shall be a President, 
a Vice President, and a Secretary-Treasurer, who with 
two other active members, and such ex-Presidents of the 
Association as retain their membership therein, shall 
constitute the Executive Committee. All officers shall 
be elected at the annual meeting in June, and shall hold 
office for one year or until their successors are elected 
and have qualified. The Executive Committee shall have 
general charge of the affairs of the Association, including 
the calling of meetings and selection of papers to be read. 


Regular meetings of the Association shall be held in 
the months of June and December of each year, on such 
day and at such place as the Executive Committee may 


determine; provided, however, that the December meet- 
ing shall be held at the same time and place as the annual 
meeting of the American Historical Association. 


The annual dues for active members shall be one 


This Constitution may be amended at any regular 
meeting, notice of such amendment having been given at 
a previous meeting, or the proposed amendment having 
received the approval of the Executive Committee. 



THE YEAR 1907-1908 


Director of the Department of Archives and History of the 
State of Alabama 


Associate Professor, University of Illinois 



Secretary of the Nebraska State Historical Society 


In addition to the above named officers 


Secretary and Superintendent of the State Historical Society 

of Wisconsin 

Secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society 







(Lincoln, Nebraska, October 17 and 18, 1907) 


The following call was addressed to secretaries of 
State historical societies in the Mississippi Valley : 

Lincoln, Nebraska, July 29, 1907. 
Dear Sir: 

The President and the Secretary of the Nebraska State 
Historical Society unite in extending to you a most cor- 
dial invitation to visit Lincoln, Nebraska, as their guest on 
October 15, 1907, to meet the Secretaries of neighboring histor- 
ical societies for the purpose of considering plans for effecting 
a permanent organization for the advancement of historical 
research and the collection and conservation of historical mate- 
rial in these western States. 

It is believed that such an organization, meeting alternate- 
ly at the headquarters of the various societies, will result in 
much good to all concerned. If this date should not suit your 
convenience, we would be pleased to have you suggest a date 
that would be more satisfactory to you. 
Yours very truly, 

C. S. Paine, 
Secretary Nebraska State Historical Society. 

The date of the proposed meeting was later changed 
to October 17 and 18, 1907, to suit the convenience of some 
who could not attend on the earlier date. 



A preliminary meeting was held at Lincoln, Ne- 
braska, on the evening of October 17, 1907, when the 
following program was rendered : — 

1. Address of Welcome .... Dr. George L. Miller 

2. Response Mr. Benj. F. Shambaugh 

3. Vocal Solo Miss Ethel M. Cathcart 

4. Address Mr. "Warren Upham 

5. Violin Solo Miss Genevieve Fodrea 

6. Address Mr. Edgar E. Harlan 

Remarks were also made by Mr. George W. Martin 
of the Kansas State Historical Society, Mr. William S. 
Bell of the Montana Historical and Miscellaneous Li- 
brary, and Mr. Francis A. Sampson of the State Histori- 
cal Society, of Missouri. 


Pursuant to a call from the President and the Secre- 
tary of the Nebraska State Historical Society, there 
assembled in the rooms of the Nebraska State Historical 
Society at Lincoln on October 17 and 18, 1907, the follow- 
ing persons : — 

William S. Bell, Librarian of the Montana Historical 
and Miscellaneous Library, Helena, Montana. 

Warren Upham, Secretary and Librarian of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota. 

Benj. F. Shambaugh, Superintendent of The State 
Historical Society of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. 

George W. Martin, Secretary of the Kansas State 
Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. 

Francis A. Sampson, Secretary and Librarian of the 
State Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri. 

Edgar R. Harlan, Assistant Curator of the Histori- 
cal Department of Iowa, Des Moines, Iowa. 

Clarence S. Paine, Secretary of the Nebraska State 
Historical Society, Lincoln, Nebraska. 


After conference, the above named gentlemen for- 
mally declared themselves in preliminary session. Mr. 
Paine announced the purpose of the gathering to be that 
set forth in the letter which had been mailed to various 
historical societies and individuals in the Mississippi 
Valley — a copy of which letter is given above. An 
expression of the wishes of the assembly was called for 
and the following proceedings were had : — 

Moved by Mr. Upham : — That Mr. Sampson act as 
Chairman. Carried. 

By Mr. Bell : — That Mr. Harlan be made Secretary. 

A report of the expressions of individuals in response 
to the letter of invitation was presented by Mr. Paine. 

Mr. Paine : — Anticipating the purpose of adopting 
some sort of constitution for the government of this body, 
I herewith submit copies of one which I have prepared. 
It is modeled after the Constitution of The Pacific Coast 
Branch of the American Historical Association. 


Section 1. Name — The name of this organization 
shall be The Mississippi Valley Historical Association. 

Sec. 2. Object — The object of the Association shall 
be to promote and popularize historical study and re- 
search and provide a plan of cooperation for the local 
and State Historical Societies of the Mississippi Valley. 

Sec. 3. Membership — The Association shall con- 
sist of active and honorary members. Active members 
shall be limited to those who are officers or heads of 
departments of local or State Historical Societies. Hon- 
orary members shall be such persons distinguished for 
literary or scientific attainments or the promotion of 
historical research as may be approved of by the execu- 
tive committee, and elected by ballot at any regular 
meeting of the Association. 


Sec. 4. Officers — The officers of the Association 
shall be a President, a Vice President, and a Secretary- 
Treasurer, who with two other active members shall con- 
stitute the executive committee. All officers shall be 
elected at the annual meeting in December and shall hold 
office for one year or until their successors are elected 
and have qualified. The executive committee shall have 
general charge of the affairs of the Association including 
the election of members, calling of meetings, and selection 
of papers to be read. 

Sec. 5. Meetings — Eegular meetings of the Asso- 
ciation shall be held semi-annually in the months of June 
and December on such day and at such place as the 
executive committee may determine. 

Sec. 6. Amendments — This constitution may be 
amended at the annual meeting, notice of such amend- 
ment having been given at the previous annual meeting, 
or the proposed amendment having received the approval 
of a majority of the executive committee. 


Moved by Mr. Paine : — That the tentative organiza- 
tion be made the temporary organization. Carried. 

By Mr. Martin : — That we adopt Section 1 of the 
proposed constitution after it is read, unless there are 
amendments offered. Carried. The section was read, 
and no amendment being offered, it was declared by the 
chair to be duly adopted. 

By Mr. Martin : — That we reconsider the last pro- 
ceeding. Carried. 

By Mr. Paine : — That we amend the first section by 
inserting after the word "Valley" and before the word 
"Historical" the words "branch of the American". 
Carried. The section was then read as amended. "Name : 
— The name of this organization shall be the Mississippi 
Valley Branch of The American Historical Association." 


By Mr. Paine: — That Section 2 be adopted. Car- 
ried. % 

By Mr. Martin: — That Section 3 be adopted as a 
whole. Carried. , 

By Mr. Paine: — That Section 4 be adopted as it 
stands except that the word "June" be substituted for 
the word "December". Carried. 

By Mr. Paine : — That in Section 5 the words ' ' semi- 
annually" be stricken out. Carried. 

By Mr. Paine : — That in the same section the words 
"providing that the December meeting shall be held at 
the same time and place as The American Historical 
Association" be added. Carried. 

By Mr. Paine: — That the section as amended be 
adopted. Carried. 

By Mr. Upham: — That the word "annual" in Sec- 
tion 6 and line four be omitted. Carried. 

By Mr. Sampson: — That the word "any" be sub- 
stituted for "the" preceding the word "annual" just 
stricken out. Carried. 

By Mr. Paine: — That the section as amended be 
adopted. Carried. 

By Mr. Paine : — That the constitution as amended 
be adopted. Carried. 

By Mr. Paine : — That an executive committee be 
elected to serve until the first December meeting. Car- 

By Mr. Paine: — That Mr. E. G. Thwaites of Wis- 
consin be a member of the executive committee. Carried. 

By Mr. Shambaugh : — That Mr. Martin be the re- 
maining member of the executive committee. Carried. 

By Mr. Harlan : — I do not feel that the secretary- 
ship of this Association is fully deserved, or can be 
adequately filled by the present incumbent; nor do I 
think that the position can be adequately filled by any one 
except the Secretary of the Nebraska State Historical 


Society. I, therefore, respectfully resign and ask per- 
mission of the gentlemen present to hand over the duties 
and the honor of the secretaryship to Mr. Paine. 

By the Chair: — Mr. Harlan's resignation is before 
us. In view of his suggestions, it would seem but proper 
to accept it. 

By Mr. Harlan : — I move the election of Mr. Paine 
to the vacancy. Carried (Mr. Paine being absent). 

By Mr. Shambaugh: — Mr. Chairman: In view of 
the signal benefits we have gained and the great pleasure 
we have had in the company of the Nebraska State His- 
torical Society, I move that we extend the thanks of this 
Association to the Nebraska State Historical Society, to 
Dr. Miller, its President, to Mr. Paine, its Secretary, to 
the Lincoln Commercial Club, and to other friends of 
the Society, for the courteous entertainment which we 
have received at their hands. Unanimously carried. 

By Mr. Paine : — I am authorized to extend the 
thanks of the Nebraska State Historical Society to the 
members of this Association for their kindly expression, 
and to assure you that only good will and highest 
esteem will follow you individually to your homes. 

By the Chair: — The business of the meeting appear- 
ing to be done, we will stand adjourned. 


(Madison, Wisconsin, December 28, 1907) 

The meeting was called to order at 2:30 p. m. by 
President F. A. Sampson; and the minutes of the meet- 
ing of October 18, 1907, were read and approved. 

An informal discussion was had on the subject of 
the relation which the Mississippi Valley Historical As- 
sociation should bear to the American Historical Asso- 
ciation, which discussion was participated in by Mr. 


Thomas M. Owen, Mr. Eeuben G. Thwaites, Miss Caro- 
line M. Mcllvaine, Mr. Alfred Orendorff, Mr. Clarence W. 
Alvord, Mr. 0. G. Libby, and others. 

A motion by Mr. Owen that Mr. Thwaites be ap- 
pointed a committee of one to lay the matter before the 
Council of the American Historical Association and re- 
port to the next meeting of this body was carried. 

It was then agreed to take up the constitution section 
by section for amendment. 

Section 1 was read, and on motion of Mr. Edgar 
E. Harlan was passed until the next meeting. 

Section 2 was read. Mr. Clarence W. Alvord moved 
to amend by striking out of line two the words "and 
popularize". It was so ordered. With this amendment 
Section 2 was agreed to. 

Section 3 was read. On motion of Mr. Harlan it 
was referred to a committee of three to be appointed by 
the President. The President appointed as such com- 
mittee Messrs. Harlan, Alvord, and Paine. 

Sections 4 and 5 were read and agreed to. 

Section 6 was amended by striking out of the second 
line the word "annual". 

On motion the whole constitution was then referred 
to the committee of three that had been appointed to 
consider Section 3, with instructions to consider it in all 
its parts and report to the next meeting. 

Moved by Mr. Harlan : — That a committee of three 
on nominations be appointed by the Chairman. Carried. 
The Chairman appointed Messrs. Libby, Alvord, and 

On motion the Association adjourned to meet in the 
same place at 9 :00 a. m. on Monday, December 30. 


The meeting was called to order by President F. A. 
Sampson. The first in order was the report of the com- 


mittee appointed to revise the constitution, which was 
presented by the Secretary. 

Mr. Dunbar Eowland moved to further amend by 
striking out of Section 3 all reference to honorary mem- 
bership. With this amendment the report of the com- 
mittee was adopted on motion of Mr. 0. Gr. Libby. 

Mr. Libby then moved the adoption of the constitu- 
tion as amended. Carried. 


The name of this organization shall be The Missis- 
sippi Valley Historical Association. 


The object of the Association shall be to promote 
historical study and research and to secure cooperation 
between the historical societies and the departments of 
history of the Mississippi Valley. 


Any one interested in the study of Mississippi Valley 
history may become an active member upon payment of 
the dues hereinafter provided. 


The officers of the Association shall be a President, 
a Vice President, and a Secretary-Treasurer, who, with 
two other active members, shall constitute the Executive 
Committee. All officers shall be elected at the annual 
meeting in June, and shall hold office for one year, or 
until their successors are elected and have qualified. The 
Executive Committee shall have general charge of the 
affairs of the Association, including the calling of meet- 
ings and selection of papers to be read. 


Eegular meetings of the Association shall be held 
in the months of June and December of each year, on 


such day and at such place as the Executive Committee 
may determine; provided, however, that the December 
meeting shall be held at the same time and place as the 
annual meeting of the American Historical Association. 


The annual dues for active members shall be one 


This Constitution may be amended at any regular 
meeting, notice of such amendment having been given 
at a previous meeting, or the proposed amendment having 
received the approval of the Executive Committee. 

The report of the committee on nominations having 
been called for, the chairman, Mr. 0. G. Libby, on behalf 
of the committee recommended the election of the follow- 
ing officers: President, Thomas M. Owen; Vice Presi- 
dent, Clarence W. Alvord ; Secretary-Treasurer, Clarence 
S. Paine; and for the additional members of the Execu- 
tive Committee, Eeuben G. Thwaites and George W. Mar- 

On motion the report of the committee was adopted 
and the persons named therein were declared the officers 
of the Association to serve until the first regular meeting. 

On motion of Mr. Dunbar Eowland the Executive 
Committee was instructed to take up with the Council of 
the American Historical Association the matter of some 
plan of affiliation and report at the next meeting of the 

Miss Caroline M. Mcllvaine extended an invitation 
to the members of the Association to visit the Chicago 
Historical Society en route to their homes. 

Mr. Warren Upham, upon behalf of the Minnesota 
State Historical Society, invited the Association to hold 
its next meeting in St. Paul. The invitation was referred 
to the Executive Committee. 


After some discussion of plans of work the Association 


(Madison, Wisconsin, December 30, 1907) 

The meeting of the Executive Committee was called 
to order by the President, Mr. Thomas M. Owen. Those 
present were: Thomas M. Owen, Eeuben G. Thwaites, 
George W. Martin, and Clarence S. Paine. 

The following lines of work were stiggested by the 
President and approved by the Committee : 

1. To open correspondence with all the historical 
societies in the Mississippi Valley. 

2. To publish lists of each society's material. 

3. To publish a combined list of newspaper files and 
volumes on western travel. 

4. To procure, as far as possible, the publication by 
the various historical societies of lists of State material 

5. To publish a bibliography of bibliographies of 
the Mississippi Valley — to be prepared by Mr. Eeuben 
G. Thwaites. 

On motion of Mr. Thwaites, the President and Secre- 
tary were made a committee on program. 

The President was authorized to outline a plan for 
the various activities of the Association and to appoint 
such committees as may be necessary. 

On motion the President and Mr. Thwaites were 
instructed to represent the Association in all negotiations 
looking to a closer cooperation with other bodies. The 
Committee then adjourned. 

In accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, 
and the action of the Executive Committee in accepting 
the invitation of the Minnesota Historical Society, the 
first annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association was held at Lake Minnetonka in June, 1908. 



(Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, June 22 and 23, 1908) 

The first session of the Association was called to 
order at 9 :30 a. m. on Jnne 22, 1908, by the Vice Presi- 
dent, Mr. Clarence W. Alvord. 

The following program was presented : — 

1. The Exploration of Verendrye and his Sons 

By Warren Upham, Secretary of the Minnesota 
Historical Society. 

2. The Mandans from the Archaeological and Historical 

By Orin G-. Libby, Secretary of the State Historical 
Society of North Dakota. 

3. The British Board of Trade and the American Col- 

By Oliver M. Dickerson, Professor of History at 
Western State Normal School of Illinois. 
In the absence of Albert Watkins of Lincoln, Ne- 
braska, who was to present a paper on The Nebraska 
Country, this nnmber on the program was omitted. 


The second session of the Association was called to 
order at 2:30 p. m. on Monday, June 22, 1908, by the 
Vice President, Mr. Clarence W. Alvord. 

Owing to the unavoidable absence of Mr. Clarence 
M. Bnrton of Detroit, Michigan, the discussion on The 
Relation of State and Local Historical Societies was led 
by Mr. George W. Martin of Topeka, Kansas. He was 
followed by Mr. Francis A. Sampson of Columbia, Mis- 
souri, and Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber of Springfield, 
Illinois — the latter representing Mr. Alfred Orendorif, 
who was unable to be present. 

The paper by Mr. Charles W. Mann of the Lewis 
Institute, Chicago, on the subject of Cooperation among 


Historical Agencies and Activities of the Mississippi 
Valley was read by Mr. Doane Eobinson of Pierre, South 
Dakota. This paper was followed by a general discus- 
sion led by Mr. Orin G. Libby and Mr. Edgar E. Harlan. 


The third session of the Association was called to 
order at 8 :15 p. m. on Monday, June 22, 1908, by the Vice 
President, Mr. Clarence W. Alvord. 

Two papers were read at this session. The first was 
on The Study and Writing of History in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley, by Mr. Clarence W. Alvord of Urbana, 
Illinois ; the second was on Amana: The Home of the Com- 
munity of True Inspiration, by Mr. Benjamin F. Sham- 
baugh of Iowa City, Iowa. 


The fourth session of the Association was called to 
order at 9:30 a. m. on Tuesday, June 23, 1908, by the 
Vice President, Mr. Clarence W. Alvord. 

The first number on the program of this session was 
The Story of Drapers Activities as a Collector, by Mr. 
Eeuben Gr. Thwaites of Madison, "Wisconsin. This was 
followed by a paper on The Diplomatic Correspondence 
of Augustus Caesar Hodge, presented by Mr. Louis Pel- 
zer of Iowa City, Iowa. Mr. Jonas Viles of Columbia, 
Missouri, who was to present a paper on Slavery as a 
Factor in Missouri History, was unable to be present. 
The Sectional Elements in the Early History of Milwau- 
kee, a paper by Mr. Laurence M. Larson of Urbana, Illi- 
nois, was read by Mrs. Minnie P. Knotts. 


The fifth session of the Association was called to 
order at 2:30 p. m. on Tuesday, June 23, 1908, by the 
Vice President, Mr. Clarence W. Alvord. 


The report and the financial statement of the Secre- 
tary-Treasurer were presented. 

On motion of Mr. Beuben G. Thwaites the report of 
the Secretary-Treasurer was accepted and ordered to be 
placed on file. 

On motion of Mr. George W. Martin, the financial 
statement of the Secretary-Treasurer was referred to an 
auditing committee, composed of Mr. Edgar E. Harlan 
and Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber. 

Mr. Demarchus C. Brown of Indianapolis presented 
the following resolution : — 

Whereas, The Indian tribes that formerly inhabited 
the Ohio Valley have been widely scattered, and there is 
danger that their languages may be lost through the 
younger generations adopting the English language, and 

Whereas, There is no adequate source of informa- 
tion now available in print even as to the meaning of the 
name of lakes and streams left to us by the Miamis, 
Pottawattamies, Shawnees, and other tribes : 

Eesolved, That the national Bureau of Ethnology 
be requested to collect and publish such information as 
to these languages as can now be obtained, (and especially 
that of the great Miami nation, including the Weas, 
Piankeshaws, Peorias, Kaskaskias and other tribes who 
occupied the greater part of Indiana and Illinois) ; 

Eesolved, That our Senators and Eepresentatives 
in Congress be requested to use their influence to secure 
this result, and to obtain appropriations for the expense 
thereof, if such appropriations are needed ; 

Eesolved further, That these resolutions be com- 
municated to the historical societies of the States formed 
from the Northwest Territory, with a request that they 
take similar action. 

Mr. Thwaites moved that the resolution be referred 
to the Executive Committee with power to act. After 
some discussion, it was agreed that the language of the 


resolution should be slightly changed. Mr. F. A. Samp- 
son then moved, as a substitute for the pending motion, 
that the resolution be adopted. Carried. 

Mr. Alvord presented a communication from the 
Arthur H. Clark Publishing Company with reference to 
the publication of a Mississippi Valley Historical Series. 
After considerable discussion, during which Mr. Thwaites 
spoke in opposition to undertaking any publication at this 
time, Mr. Alvord called Mr. Sampson to the chair and 
spoke at considerable length favoring some plan of publi- 
cation and suggesting that the whole matter be referred 
to the Executive Committee. 

On motion of Mr. Doane Eobinson, the communica- 
tion of the Arthur H. Clark Publishing Company was 
referred to the Executive Committee with instructions to 
report some definite plan of publication. 

On motion of Mr. Thwaites, the Secretary-Treasurer 
was authorized to secure the publication of the proceed- 
ings of the Association and the papers presented, pro- 
vided no indebtedness was incurred in so doing. 

Mr. Harlan, for the auditing committee, reported that 
the accounts of the Secretary-Treasurer were found to 
be correct and moved that the financial report be ap- 
proved. Carried. 

The Secretary-Treasurer presented the following 
amendment to the Constitution, the same having the 
approval of the Executive Committee : — To amend Sec- 
tion IV by inserting following the words "active 
members" and before the words "shall constitute'' the 
following : ' * and such ex-Presidents of the Association as 
retain their membership therein". 

The Secretary-Treasurer moved the adoption of the 
amendment. The motion prevailing, the chair declared 
the Constitution so amended. 

Mr. Orin G. Libby moved that the chair be authorized 
to appoint a nominating committee of three members, 


to recommend officers of the Association for the ensuing 
year. Carried. The chair appointed as snch committee, 
George W. Martin, "Warren Upham, and William S. Bell. 

Pending the report of the nominating commmittee 
some discussion was had with reference to the next place 
of meeting. Invitations were received from Iowa City, 
Iowa, Des Moines, Iowa, and Springfield, Illinois, and 
were referred to the Executive Committee. 

Mr. Alvord recommended an archaeological section 
for the next meeting. 

Mr. Sampson moved that the Executive Committee 
be instructed to prepare a program for a section meeting 
to consider ethnological and archaeological subjects. Car- 

Mr. Libby moved that the matter of representation 
at the British Association for the Advancement of Science 
be referred to the Executive Committee with power to 
act. Carried. 

Mr. George W. Martin, for the nominating committee, 
submitted the following report and recommendations : for 
President, Clarence W. Alvord of Urbana, Illinois; for 
Vice President, Orin Gr. Libby of Grand Forks, North 
Dakota; for Secretary-Treasurer, Clarence S. Paine of 
Lincoln, Nebraska ; for additional members of the Execu- 
tive Committee, Benjamin F. Shambaugh of Iowa City, 
Iowa, and Dunbar Eowland of Jackson, Mississippi. 

Mr. Robinson moved that the report be adopted, and 
the officers named elected by acclamation. Carried. 
Whereupon the chair declared the persons named to be 
the officers for the ensuing year. 

On motion of Mr. Thwaites, the meeting was ad- 

(Tonka Bay Hotel, Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, June 23, 1908) 

There were present at this session of the Executive 
Committee the following: Clarence W. Alvord, Eeuben 


G. Thwaites, George W. Martin, and Clarence S. Paine. 

In the absence of the President, the meeting was 
called to order by the Vice President, Mr. Alvord, who 
proposed the following amendment to the constitution: 
Insert in Article 1, after the words ' * active members ' ' and 
before the words " shall constitute' * the following: "and 
such ex-Presidents of the Association as retain their 
membership therein". 

On motion this amendment was recommended to the 
Association for adoption. 

After some further informal discussion the meeting 

(Tonka Bay Hotel, Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, June 23, 1908) 

There were present at this session of the Committee, 
Clarence W. Alvord, Dunbar Eowland, Orin G. Libby, 
Clarence S. Paine, and Francis A. Sampson. 

At this meeting it was decided to hold one session 
of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association at Kich- 
mond, Virginia, during the meeting of the American His- 
torical Association, and the President was authorized 
to proceed with the preparation of a program for that 

Mr. Benjamin P. Shambaugh was named as editor 
of the Proceedings of the Association. 

The resolution relating to the preservation of Indian 
languages was referred to Mr. Orin G. Libby for such 
correction as might be necessary in its language. 

After an informal discussion regarding the work of 
the Association, the meeting adjourned. 

(June, 1906) 

<\\o hi 


(June, 1908) 

Less than eleven months have passed since the organ- 
ization of this Association was first proposed. The call 
for the first gathering was issned on July 29, 1907. A 
preliminary meeting was held at Lincoln, Nebraska, on 
October 17 and 18, 1907. At that meeting seven of the 
leading historical societies of the Mississippi Valley were 
represented by one or more of their officers. Letters had 
been received from the officers of eleven other societies, 
stating that they desired to be counted as cooperating 
in any movement that might be inaugurated. A tem- 
porary organization was effected, and it was decided 
that another meeting should be held at Madison, Wis- 
consin, December 28, 1907, when it was hoped a larger 
attendance might be secured. At the Madison meeting 
a constitution was adopted and officers were elected to 
serve until the first regular meeting, which was to be 
held in June, 1908. 

The first membership fee was received by the Treas- 
urer on December 31, 1907, and in the six months since 
that date eighty members have been enrolled. Many 
others have applied for membership but have not paid 
the membership fee. Seventeen States and the Dominion 
of Canada are represented on the membership roll of the 

We should not be discouraged with these results 
when we remember that the Pacific Coast Branch of the 
American Historical Association was first proposed early 
in 1903, was made a branch of the American Historical 


Association in December of that year, and reported 166 
members two years later in December, 1905. 

A considerable amount of necessary preliminary 
work has been done, and the work of the next six months 
should result in doubling the membership of the Associa- 

We acknowledge our indebtedness to Mr. Benjamin 
F. Shambaugh, who furnished us with 500 separates 
from The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, contain- 
ing an account of the organization and the constitution 
of this Association. These were mailed out by the Secre- 
tary-Treasurer to those who would likely be interested. 
This was followed by a four page prospectus prepared 
by our Vice President, Mr. Alvord, and of which one 
thousand copies were distributed. The program for the 
present meeting was prepared by Mr. Alvord and Mr. 
Owen. Both of these gentlemen (especially the former) 
have been very active in the work and have given the 
Secretary-Treasurer their earnest cooperation. 

The Executive Committee has held but one meeting 
(December 29, 1907). Other meetings might have been 
held with much profit to the Association had the members 
of the Committee not been so widely separated and so 
absorbed in their individual affairs. 

The future of the Association will depend very large- 
ly upon the decision that may be reached at this meeting 
regarding the matter of publication. As has been very 
well said: "Publication is the life of an historical asso- 
ciation/ ? Your Secretary-Treasurer is of the opinion 
that an annual publication would be preferable to a 
quarterly, at this time, and that such a publication can 
be financed without difficulty. 

A summarized financial statement covering the re- 
ceipts and expenditures of the Association down to June 
24, 1908, is herewith submitted. 



Cash receipts from membership fees to June 24, 
1908, as per list attached and made part of 

this report . $80.00 


Disbursements to June 24, 1908, as per vouchers 
attached and made part of this report: 

Printing and stationery $49.00 

Postage 21.50 

Miscellaneous items 6.19 

Total $76.69 

Balance on hand $ 3.31 

Eespectfully submitted, 

C. S. Paine, Secretary-Treasurer 
June 23, 1908 

Jessie Palmer Weber 
Edgar R. Harlan 

Auditing Committee 


(Lake Minnetonka, Minnesota, June 22 and 23, 1908) 



By Warren Upham 


The earliest delineation of the lakes and streams on 
and near the northern boundary of Minnesota was, ac- 
cording to its French title when Anglicized, a "map 
drawn by the savage, Ochagach, and others, which has 
led to the discoveries of the French officers represented 
in the adjoining map", that is, the one drafted by Buache 
in 1754, showing the country westward from the Great 
Lakes, with the sketch by Ochagach inserted at its margin. 
Bellin, the learned French geographer, in 1755, stated 
that this sketch was the earliest draft in the archives of 
the French Department of the Colonies showing the 
region west of Lake Superior with any detail. 

In the year 1728 when Pierre Gautier Varennes 
(more commonly known by his title as the Sieur de la 
Verendrye) was stationed as an agent of the fur trade 
at Lake Nipigon, north of Lake Superior, this rudely 
sketched map was drawn for him by an intelligent Assin- 
iboine Indian, named Ochagach, with aid by other In- 
dians, tracing the canoe route of streams, lakes, and 
portages from Lake Superior along the north boundary 
of the present State of Minnesota to the Lake of the 
Woods, and thence northwestward to Lake Winnipeg and 
the Saskatchewan River. After the insertion of some 
names by the French as derived from the Indians, this 
aboriginal delineation was shown by Verendrye to Beau- 
harnois, the Governor of Canada, and about the year 
1730 it was sent to France. A tracing of it was pub- 


lished by Neill, in 1882, in the fourth edition of his 
History of Minnesota; and two years later both this 
sketch and the map drafted by Buache (before noted) 
were published by Winchell in the first volume of his 
Final Report as the State geologist. 

The series of many small lakes on our northern 
boundary is conspicuous on the sketch drawn by Ocha- 
gach, and the thirteenth lake outlined, larger than any 
of the twelve others preceding it on the route going 
westward, is named Lac Sesakinaga, evidently the same 
as our present Lake Saganaga. Rainy Lake is called 
Lac Tecamamiouen ; but the Lake of the Woods and Lake 
Winnipeg, though clearly identifiable — the former hav- 
ing many islands, and the latter being narrowed at the 
middle — are unnamed. The Saskatchewan River, of 
which only the lower part is shown, not extending to the 
junction of its south and north branches, is called Fleuve 
de POuest (River of the West). The sketch was most 
alluring to the French spirit of exploration and com- 
mercial expansion; for it seemed to promise, as also did 
the verbal statements of the Indians, that there was a 
passage to be discovered westward, for travel and trade, 
to the Pacific Ocean. 

Not far south of the Saskatchewan, in the place of 
the Porcupine and Pasquia hills, this sketch map bears 
the name Montagnes de pierres brillantes (Mountains of 
shining stones), which probably suggested later the names 
Shining Mountains and Rocky Mountains, applied to our 
great western Cordilleran belt. As known by Ochagach, 
however, and described by him or others of the Indians 
to the French, the mountains of his sketch were doubt- 
less the Cretaceous escarpment, generally from 500 to 
1,000 feet in height of mostly steep ascent from its base 
to its top, south of the lower Saskatchewan and west of 
lakes Winnipegosis and Manitoba and the Red River. 
This escarpment is now known, in its successive parts 


from north to south, as the Pasquia and Porcupine hills, 
Duck, Eiding, and Pembina mountains, and the Coteau 
des Prairies, which reach from the Saskatchewan valley 
southward into North Dakota and the southwest part of 

The ' ' shining stones ' * were probably selenite crystals 
from the Cretaceous shales, the same as those which 
Groseilliers and Eadisson had seen, or of which they had 
heard some description, during their visit nearly seventy 
years before, in 1660, among the Prairie Sioux, in whose 
country, as Eadisson wrote, " There are mountains cov- 
ered with a kind of Stone that is transparent and tender, 
and like to that of Venice. ' ' The Sioux or Dakota people 
knew of the selenite crystals in the shales, and in the 
comparatively thin overlying glacial drift, which together 
form the Coteau des Prairies ; and the Assiniboines knew 
of the same "shining stones" of the same formations in 
the Pembina, Eiding, and Duck mountains, and in the 
Porcupine and Pasquia hills. 


The chief original sources of knowledge of the ex- 
plorations by Verendrye and his four sons are the early 
French colonial documents, of which a large number 
relating to their numerous exploring expeditions have 
been collected and published by Pierre Margry in the 
sixth volume of his Discoveries and Settlements of the 
French in the West and in the South parts of North 
America, 1614-1754, Memoirs and Original Documents. 
In this last volume of the series, printed in French at 
Paris in 1886, pages 583-632 narrate the Verendrye ex- 
plorations. The most interesting and longest document 
of this group is in pages 598-611, comprising the narra- 
tion of the journey in 1742-43 by two of Verendrye's sons 
from the Saskatchewan Eiver southwestward to the Mis- 
souri and thence southwestward to the Eocky mountains. 
It is entitled Journal of an Expedition made by the 


Chevalier de la Verendrye ivith one of his Brothers, for 
Discovery of a Passage to the Pacific Ocean; addressed to 
the Marquis de Beaaharnois. 

In the Report on Canadian Archives for 1889, pub- 
lished in 1890, pages 1-29 contain a very detailed account 
by Verendrye, in his original French with an adjoining 
English translation, of his first expedition to the Missouri 
River. This journal, covering a period of about ten 
months, from July 20, 1738, to May, 1739, is also ad- 
dressed to Beauharnois, the governor of New France, by 
Laverendrye, Lieutenant of the Marine, "commissioned 
by his orders for the discovery of the Western Sea." 


In 1731, Verendrye, commissioned and equipped by 
the colonial government, with his sons and his nephew, 
Jemeraye, began their explorations far west of Lake 
Superior, which they left by the route of Pigeon Eiver 
and the series of lakes and streams continuing westerly, 
as rudely mapped by Ochagach, along the present north- 
ern boundary of Minnesota. Fort St. Pierre, a trading 
post, was built at the mouth of Rainy Lake; Fort St. 
Charles west of the Lake of the Woods, on the southern 
or Minnesota side of the bay or inlet leading to its 
Northwest Angle, a point of great importance later in 
treaties ; and other forts or trading posts on Lake Winni- 
peg and the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan rivers. 

Verendrye had more zeal for crossing the continent 
and reaching the Pacific than for the wealth to be gained 
by the fur trade. His expeditions did not financially 
meet expenses, and rivals sought to displace him from 
the patronage of the governor and the king; but shortly 
before his death, in 1749, when he had expected soon to 
set out again on new expeditions, the king honored him 
by the cross of St. Louis. The name of the St. Louis 
River, the largest tributary of Lake Superior, probably 
came from this honor conferred on him. 



The travels of Verendrye and his sons in and adjoin- 
ing the area of Minnesota are very meagerly recorded, 
without definiteness of dates or of incidents, excepting 
one appalling event. 

On the morning of the 6th of June, 1736, the eldest 
son of Verendrye, a Jesuit missionary, Father Aulneau, 
and twenty French voyageurs, who had started on the 
preceding day from Fort St. Charles in three canoes to 
go to Mackinac for supplies, were surprised and mur- 
dered at their first camping place on an island of the 
Lake of the Woods by a war party of the Prairie Sioux. 
This massacre, from which not one of the Frenchmen 
escaped, was in revenge for aid and temporary leadership 
by Verendrye 's son with a party of Crees when going to 
war against the Sioux two years before. Verendrye, who 
was at Fort St. Charles at the time of the massacre, was 
afterward urged by great numbers of the Crees, Assini- 
boines, and other northern tribes, to lead them in attack- 
ing the Sioux; but the wiser counsels of the bereaved 
father prevented the threatened disaster of a general 
outbreak of Indian warfare. 

The contemporary and later accounts of this tragedy 
have been brought together and published by Lawrence 
J. Burpee in the Proceedings and Transactions of the 
Royal Society of Canada, Second Series, Vol. IX, 1903, 
Section II, pages 15-28. 

(It should be added that in July and August, 1908, 
within two months after the meeting in which this paper 
was read, searches by the Catholic Archbishop and Jesuit 
Fathers of St. Boniface, Manitoba, resulted in the dis- 
covery and certain identification of the site of Fort St. 
Charles, on the south shore of the Northwest Angle inlet. 
They exhumed on this site nineteen skulls and two skele- 
tons without skulls, evidently the remains of this massa- 
cred party, which in September, 1736, Verendrye brought 


back from the Massacre island and buried in the little 
chapel of the fort.) 


The narrative of Verendrye as published in the 
Report on Canadian Archives, before cited, states that 
on September 11, 1738, he left Fort St. Charles in charge 
of his oldest son (next in age after the one massacred), 
and with his two other sons went down the Winnipeg 
Eiver to Fort Maurepas at its mouth, arriving there on 
September 22. Thence in the next two days he passed 
through the south part of Lake Winnipeg and up the Red 
River to the mouth of the Assiniboine, now the site of 
the city of Winnipeg, where he found ' ' ten Cree huts and 
two war chiefs.' ' 

From September 26 to October 2, Verendrye "march- 
ed six days, making good use of the time ,, , thus coming 
to the site of Portage la Prairie, considered the limit of 
practicable navigation of the Assiniboine River with 
canoes, by which his goods and provisions were carried. 

On the next day, October 3, he set his men ' l to build 
a fort", which later was named Fort la Reine. October 
9, "Mr. de la Marque [a trader], with the Sieur Nolant, 
his brother, and eight men in two canoes arrived" from 
forts Charles and Maurepas, being much desired rein- 
forcements. The new fort, probably a stockade inclosing 
log-houses, was completed October 15. 

Three days afterward Verendrye started on his ex- 
pedition to the Mandan villages of the Missouri River. 
"Our small band", he wrote, "consisted of 52 persons, 
twenty hired men, all good men, Mr. de la Marque, his 
brother, my two children, my servant and a slave, the rest 
Indians. The third day after leaving, a village of forty 
Assiniboine huts joined us. . . . We continued our route, 
as far as the first mountain, twenty-six leagues distant 
from our fort, still to the south by southwest; from the 
first mountain to the second west and by northwest, 24 


leagues. From the point of the second mountain to go 
direct to the Mandans we must keep to the southwest. ' ' 

The route I think to have been first due south about 
fifty miles, to make the ascent up the Pembina mountain 
in the vicinity of Thornhill, and thence west and west- 
southwest about seventy miles to the southeast point of 
the base of Turtle Mountain (called "the second moun- 
tain"). Thence the distance in a straight course south 
southwest to the Missouri Eiver at Bismarck and Man- 
dan, where the Mandan and Hidatsa villages then were, is 
a hundred and fifty miles. It could be traversed by two 
hundred miles of travel, requiring no more than two or 
three weeks with reasonable progress. But the Assini- 
boine guide, as Verendrye narrates, "lengthened the road 
by from fifty to sixty leagues and a number of stops to 
which we were obliged to agree, making us spend the finest 
weather in autumn staying still, so that we took forty-six 
days to go a distance we should have done easily in six- 
teen or twenty days at the most." 

Late in the afternoon of the third day of December, 
Verendrye and his party of Frenchmen, escorted by many 
Assiniboines, entered the nearest fort or inclosed village 
of the Mandans, situated at a considerable distance from 
the Missouri. He went no farther, but remained at this 
village, according to the narrative, about six weeks. In 
answer to his questions, he learned ' ' that there were five 
forts on the two banks of the river, belonging to their 
nation, much larger than that in which we were ; that at a 
day's journey from the last of their forts were the Pana- 
nas, who had several forts ; then the Pananis ; that these 
two nations, who held much of the country and were now 
at war for four years, had always from all time been 
closely united and in alliance together. . . . The Pananas 
and Pananis make their forts like them. In summer they 
grew wheat and tobacco on the lower part of the river. ' ' 

One of Verendrye's sons and the Sieur Nolant, with 
six other Frenchmen and several Mandans, advanced to 


the first of the fortified Mandan villages on the Missouri 
River, of which they brought the following report : ' i The 
fort is on the bank of the river, as large again as this; 
the squares and streets very fine and clean ; their palisade 
is in the best order and strength ; the whole built in the 
same fashion as the one in which we were. ' ' 

By counting in an examination made under Veren- 
drye's orders, it was ascertained that the village where 
he was had a hundred and thirty huts. "They found 
the streets and squares very clean, the ramparts very 
level and broad; the palisade supported on cross-pieces 
mortised into posts of fifteen feet. . . . The fort is built 
on a height in the open prairie with a ditch upwards of 
fifteen feet deep by fifteen to eighteen feet wide. Their 
fort can only be gained by steps or posts which can be re- 
moved when threatened by an enemy. ... Their fort is full 
of caves, in which are stored such articles as'grain, food, 
fat, dressed robes, bear skins. . . . They make wicker work 
very neatly, flat and in baskets. They make use of earth- 
en pots, which they use like many other nations for cook- 
ing their food." 

In the journey of Verendrye's son and his party 
between the two villages thus visited and described, they 
reported : ' ' We noticed that in the plain there were sev- 
eral small forts, of forty or fifty huts, built like the large 
ones, but no one was there at the time. They made us 
understand that they came inside for the summer to 
work their fields and that there was a large reserve of 
grain in their cellars." 

The latitude of the Mandan village where Verendrye 
and his main party stopped was noted, by an observation 
of one of his sons, as "forty-eight degrees twelve min- 
utes"; but the observation or the record was almost surely 
erroneous, exceeding the true latitude by nearly one de- 
gree. If that village was distant only a few miles from 
the Missouri River, as seems probable, the reported lati- 


tude would place it in the vicinity of the White Earth 
Eiver, northwest of the present Fort Berthold Eeserva- 
tion, and about a hundred miles northwest from the mouth 
of Knife Eiver, where the Mandans were visited by Lewis 
and Clark, Maximilian, and Catlin. The journals of Lew- 
is and Clark show, moreover, that the Mandans had 
removed their villages, after the time of the expeditions 
of Verendrye and his sons, when they lived much farther 
down the Missouri, near the sites of Bismarck and Man- 
dan and the mouth of Heart Eiver. The fortified village 
visited by Verendrye, "ona height in the open prairie ' ', 
may have been as far as fifty miles northward from the 
Heart Eiver, being thus not very far from the mouth 
of the Knife Eiver and the sites occupied by the Mandan 
and Hidatsa people on the Missouri fifty to a hundred 
years later. 

Another error in Verendrye's narrative, which may 
have been wholly written after the completion of the 
expedition and the return, assigns the journal of two 
successive months to December, so that all his preceding 
dates need to be set back a month, or less probably the 
ensuing dates should be moved a month forward. 

Leaving two Frenchmen to learn the Mandan lan- 
guage and to gather information about the Missouri 
Eiver, other tribes, the Western Ocean, etc., Verendrye 
returned to his fort at Portage la Prairie, by the same 
general route as his outward march. During all the 
journey back, made in the midwinter of 1738-39, from 
December 13 to February 10, as recorded in the narrative, 
he was very ill, being obliged to travel slowly, with long 
intervals of rest at Assiniboine villages. He wrote: "I 
have never endured so much wretchedness in my life, 
from illness and fatigue, as in that journey.' ' 

The sixth volume of Margry's Memoirs and Docu- 
ments gives, in pages 585-595, a concise statement by 
Verendrye of his efforts to establish far western posts 


and to cross the continent to the Western Ocean, this 
being apparently an official summary of his explorations 
from 1731 to April 29, 1742, the date of departure of his 
sons on their expedition from Fort la Eeine to traverse 
the great plains beyond the Mandans. In this summary 
their first expedition to the Mandans and the Missouri 
is related, closely agreeing in its dates with the fore- 
going more elaborate journal. The error of crediting 
December with a narrative of two months is not corrected, 
but in the brief statement no discrepancy is seen. 


A very satisfactory manuscript discussion of the 
route of the farthest western expedition of the sons of 
Verendrye, crossing the plains from the Missouri Eiver 
to the Eocky Mountains, with platting of the courses as 
narrated, has been supplied to the Minnesota Historical 
Society from a corresponding member, the late Captain 
Edward L. Berthoud of Golden, Colorado. This manu- 
script was received through the kindness of another mem- 
ber, Mr. Olin D. Wheeler of St. Paul, author of an im- 
portant historical work in two volumes entitled The Trail 
of Lewis and Clark, 

Captain Berthoud, following the narrative in Mar- 
gry's Memoirs and Documents, shows that quite surely the 
Verendrye sons came, by southwest and south-southwest 
marching, from the villages of the Mandans on the Mis- 
souri Eiver to the Big Horn Mountains. They first got 
a distant view of the mountains, as the journal given by 
Margry tells us, on New Year's Day of 1743. On Jan- 
uary 21, in a great war party of the Indians of the plains 
for attacking their hereditary enemies, the Shoshone or 
Snake Indians, at one of their great winter encampments, 
the Verendryes reached the foot of the mountains, which, 
as the journal says, "are for the most part well wooded, 
and seem very high." 


If they went in this war raid around or alongside the 
north part of the Big Horn range, they may have passed 
beyond the Big Horn Eiver, coming to the Shoshone 
camp near the stream now known as the Shoshone Eiver, 
tributary to the Big Horn Eiver from the west; so that 
the mountains near whose base was the camp of the Snake 
Indians would be the Shoshone Mountains, close to and 
southeast of the Yellowstone Park. Probably their ex- 
treme advance, to the Snake Indian camp, was somewhere 
in the foothills of the lofty and extended Big Horn range ; 
and if they went beyond that range, I think that it was 
only to the Shoshone Mountains. 

The route of their return was eastward to the Mis- 
souri Eiver, as narrated in the journal, and thence north- 
ward up the west side of the Missouri, to the Mandan 
villages, from which the expedition had started. This 
part of the journey is not considered in Captain Ber- 
thoud's manuscript. Both the routes of the outward 
march and the return are well discussed by Parkman in 
his work of two volumes, A Half Century of Conflict, 
published in 1892. Volume II, in pages 29-58, with a 
sketch map of the routes going to the Eocky Mountains 
and returning east to the Missouri as recorded in the 
journal printed by Margry, gives a very vivid account of 
this whole expedition. 

"When the Verendryes reached the Missouri on the 
return, a cairn monument was erected by them on some 
hill or point of the bluffs overlooking that great stream, 
and a leaden plate commemorating the expedition was 
buried. This locality was somewhere near the present 
south boundary of South Dakota, about a month's travel 
below the Mandan villages. It would be a most interest- 
ing discovery if this plate of lead, "bearing the arms 
and inscription of the king", could be found. Its burial 
was unknown to the Indians, who were merely told that 
the cairn was built as a memorial of the coming of these 
Frenchmen to their country. 



A map very rudely sketched, probably by Verendrye 
or under his direction, in 1737, for the governor, Beau- 
harnois, after remaining in manuscript nearly a hundred 
and fifty years, was published in 1884 by Prof. N. H. 
Winchell, the State Geologist of Minnesota, in the first 
volume of his Final Report. It is the oldest map giving 
the present names of Eed Lake and Eed River, Roseau 
Lake, the Lake of the Woods, and Lake Winnipeg. Far 
southwest of Lake Winnipeg a river is represented as 
emptying into a lake or sea, presumably the Pacific Ocean, 
with cities at its mouth. 

Philip Buache, a French geographer, in 1754, more 
boldly mapped New France or Canada as stretching 
westward past Minnesota, Lake Winnipeg, the Assini- 
boine and the Saskatchewan, to the Rocky Mountains, 
which are delineated as a narrow north to south range, 
but are not named, while immediately beyond is a "Sea 
of the West", about as large as Hudson Bay or the Gulf 
of Mexico, and like them deeply indenting the continent. 
From Buache 's map, preserved among the state papers 
of France, a tracing was made for Dr. Neill, as also of 
Verendrye 's map, with which it is published by Winchell. 
Buache here first gives the French form of the present 
name of Rainy Lake. It had before been designated on 
the maps by Ochagach and Verendrye by an aboriginal 
name, which probably was translated into the French and 
English names. Curiously, Red Lake and Mille Lacs, 
respectively the first and second in size among the ten 
thousand lakes lying wholly within the State of Minne- 
sota, are represented as only a single lake on both Veren- 
drye's and Buache's maps, having two outlets, one to 
the west as is true for Red Lake, and one to the south 
as is true for Mille Lacs. 



It may well be hoped that some county yet to be 
formed on the northern border of Minnesota will receive 
the name Verendrye, in historic commemoration of the 
explorations, hardships, and sacrifices of the patriotic and 
truly noble Sieur de la Verendrye and his sons. He was 
the founder of the fur trade in northern Minnesota, in 
Manitoba, and the Saskatchewan region, where it greatly 
flourished during the next hundred years; and two of 
his sons were the first white men to see the Eocky Moun- 
tains, or at least some eastern range of our great Cordil- 
leran mountain belt. 


By Orin G. Libby 

It may seem a little presumptuous in me to claim 
your time upon the archaeological aspects of the Mandan 
Indians. There are two reasons for my taking this 
course. In the first place there is so little known of the 
Mandans from historic records. The pages of Veren- 
drye, Lewis and Clark, Alex. Henry, Jr., Catlin, Maxi- 
milian, and others are singularly deficient in the things 
we most want to know. A single example will suffice. 
Any adequate mention of the peculiarly rich mythology 
of the Mandans, the only sedentary, agricultural branch 
of the Siouan stock, is quite lacking in the authors above 
named, and largely because they were not scientific obser- 
vers in these lines. Whatever does appear in their works 
is given in a half-apologetic way which betrays the point 
of view and probably explains why the Mandans did not 
take more pains to give their skeptical visitors a full and 
elaborate account of their wonderful mythology. Much 
of what might have been saved has since perished com- 
pletely, and what we are rescuing now from oblivion is 
but a fragment of an ancient record of priceless value to 
the archaeologist of the Northwest. 

My second reason for giving prominence to the arch- 
aeological side of the subject is to bring out the import- 
ance of archaeology as fundamental in the study of our 
Mississippi Valley history. From a careful examination 
of many of our own State remains in North Dakota, I am 
convinced that before we can go very far in writing our 
own history we must wait for the local archaeologist to 


work out his side of the problem, with such help as he can 
get from the sociologists. It is in vain for our State 
historians to escape this responsibility. If we have no 
archaeologists, we must import one as we have done in 
North Dakota, for a summer's work in our rich Missouri 
Eiver Valley. But as a rule we can depend on such 
local talent as we can train and develop in our own field, 
working upon our own peculiar problems. This makes 
a well equipped museum a necessity, not only for the 
preservation and comparative study of specimens from 
all the localities in the State, but for that wider compara- 
tive study of inter-state regions which yields in the end 
the real scientific results. 

The ethnologists tell us that the Mandan Indians 
originated as a part of the general Siouan stock some- 
where on the South Atlantic coast or the Gulf of Mexico. 
A northwestern movement brought them about 1000 A. 
D. out of the southern forest belt into the great buffalo 
plains of the upper Mississippi Valley. From here they 
seem to have separated themselves from the rest of the 
Siouan stock and, following up the Missouri Eiver, 
reached the old sites where they first became known to 
the whites by the eighteenth century. Their remains 
are found in North Dakota from Ft. Berthold Eeserva- 
tion down the Missouri Eiver Valley to the boundary of 
our State — how much further is a matter of conjecture. 
They were sedentary in habit, living in villages of one or 
two hundred houses, capable, each of them, of housing 
20 or 30 people. Their houses were elaborate frame 
structures with heavy log uprights from one and one-half 
to two feet in diameter with cross beams and smaller 
uprights all covered by poles, bundles of brush, and last 
of all clay, which by the action of rain and sun soon be- 
came baked hard. The tepees were from 12 to 15 feet 
high and from 20 to 60 feet in diameter. The Mandans 
raised tobacco, corn, squashes, and sun-flowers. An ex- 


amination of their sites at present shows evidences of 
advanced civilization — such for instance as the regular 
ditch enclosing the village, arrangement of tepees around 
the holy canoe, standing in the sacred enclosure, their 
smooth streets and open places clean of refuse, their 
gardens and their burial sites. All these show an ordered 
civilization as do also the specimens of pottery, tools, 
games, and weapons which the sites afford in abundance. 
Associated intimately with the Mandans were two other 
tribes, the Eee or Arikara, an off-shoot of the Pawnee 
stock and the Grosventre or Hidatsa, a much mixed tribe 
but partly allied with Mandans. The houses of the three 
tribes are to all outward appearances exactly similar; 
but the tribes can be distinguished by the oldest form of 
house, the holy tepee, which varies as the tribe varies, 
and also by the arrangement of the tepees in their respec- 
tive village sites and by the position of the doorways of 
the tepees. 

We may next take up the archaeological evidences 
of the origin of the Mandans. From their tribal legends 
and stories we learn that they lived once at the mouth of 
the Missouri where it flows into "the big water". Obvi- 
ously they did not distinguish between the Missouri and 
the Mississippi rivers. Here a white woman was born 
into their tribe by favor of the gods and she fought with 
a witch of the north and overcame her by inventing a new 
game of which a few specimens still survive. The most 
sacred ornament known to the tribe, and therefore a 
special favorite of the old men, is a rose and white shell 
disc made later by the whites from sea shells for the 
Indian trade. The Mandans relate that when they moved 
north they still retained one canoe with which they could 
go in search of these coveted shells, the trip taking one 
day, the canoe being possessed of magic power of motion. 
On the loss of this boat they have ever since used the 
round tub-like bull boats. Their most sacred religious 


object is the turtle and a large number of legends attest 
the age of their belief in the sacred character of the turtle. 
The Mandans originally possessed four of these great 
sea animals, but time has diminished their number though 
not the veneration in which they are still held. Upon 
this turtle cult was superimposed a buffalo cult of a later 
time, their relative ages being easily gauged by the tale 
they all believe in, that within each turtle is a miniature 
live buffalo which will some day emerge and re-people 
the plains and restore the Mandans to their pristine glory. 
Another confirmatory evidence of the southern origin 
of the Mandans is to be found in the constant use of 
ducks and geese in their elaborate ritual, always recited 
during their rain-making performances, the medicine man 
who blessed the crops of corn having for attendants ducks 
or geese, while the fields were under the special protection 
of the deer, geese, or ducks. The pipe used in all these 
ceremonies had a goose or duck bill stem, and was so old 
that its material was of wood, not stone or clay, and the 
bowl was protected from the fire by a small rim of stone 
which had been cut out by flint tools — it was profanation 
even to touch this ring of stone with steel. In their 
village life the contrast between the Mandans and the 
Hidatsa is a striking confirmation of the southern origin 
of the former and the northern origin of the latter. The 
Mandans always kept their villages religiously clean and 
by their village police band, always on duty, they enforced 
the regulation requiring every one to throw garbage and 
street sweepings over the nearby river bank or bluff, 
below where they obtained their water. The Hidatsa, 
on the other hand, with Esquimaux-like carelessness, threw 
garbage anywhere, between the houses, in the alleys, over 
the palisades, etc. To counterbalance this, their villages 
swarmed with dogs ; in fact in such contrast to the Man- 
dans that with the latter a dog travois was a regular sign 
of the Hidatsa. In their legendary lore both of these tribes 


figure largely as moving chiefly in one general direction 

— the Mandans northward, till stopped by the Hidatsa at 
Knife Eiver; the Hidatsa southward, meeting the Man- 
dans at various points on the river. 

Judging from the construction of the holy house or 
tepee of the Mandans (which is of course the original 
or at least the oldest form of tepee surviving among 
them) the Mandans rather than the Hidatsa originated 
this peculiar form of tepee in use by all the three tribes, 
for the holy tepee of the Hidatsa is a mere hut of boughs. 
The tribal habit of building both summer and winter 
residences is another interesting fact from which we may 
draw valuable conclusions. An examination of these 
two sites shows us that the summer residence is the 
permanent, developed site, while the winter residence is 
a mere temporary make- shift, leaving little mark on the 
soil and standing in striking contrast to the well marked 
and careful arrangements of the summer residence. Ob- 
viously the Mandans, at any rate, were not winter dwell- 
ers primarily. But their legends as well as their relig- 
ious ceremonies and their village arrangements show 
evidence of a northward moving people accustoming 
themselves to a new environment. They tell in one of 
their stories of how the first buffaloes were man-eaters 

— very fierce and larger than now. But the kind media- 
tor between gods and men changed these terrible man- 
eaters into animals which were later to be the main food 
supply of the tribe and the one indispensable element in 
their lives. In another of their great cycle stories they 
tell how the people of the north, the bad tempered buffalo 
people (Hidatsa), came to mingle with the corn people, 
the people of sunny tempers and generous dispositions 

— evidently the Mandans. They locate the first place 
where their greatest leader showed them how to drive 
the buffalo into a trap, and they call it still the Holy 
Corral. Instances such as these might be multiplied. 


We certainly can not neglect archaeology, the hand-maid 
of historical research, the key to the misleading and 
obscure statements of the earliest historical records in 
the Northwest. 

The earliest historical account of the Mandans or 
of their civilization with which I am familiar is Veren- 
drye 's. The elder Verendrye speaks of a visit he made 
to the Mandan village on the Missouri Kiver and of a 
visit by his son with an exploring party to the villages 
lower down the river. From the evidence he gives it is 
quite certain that Verendrye never saw the Mandans at 
all, and there is some considerable doubt if the party sent 
by him under the leadership of his son saw the Mandans 
either. The natural query arises : why does he say he met 
the Mandans at their village ? It has always puzzled me 
in my contact with the old men of the Mandan tribe still 
surviving, why they never could tell the meaning of the 
name Mandan. It will become clearer, however, if we 
start from the fact that the Mandans, so called, never 
knew themselves as such but as Nu-a-ta. The name Man- 
dan has as little to do with them as the nickname Yankee 
has to do with Cromwell and his fellow Puritans. No 
doubt Cromwell would have repudiated the name in 1650, 
but it came and it has stuck to some of their descendants 
in spite of everything. Fortunately Verendrye tells us 
where he got his name Mandan. It was the Cree name 
for certain of the Missouri River people. Now just how 
the Canadian Crees could have had any knowledge of the 
Mandans — enough to give them a name — is somewhat 
problematical. But the Canadian origin of the name 
gives us a possible clue. It was not the historical Man- 
dans that Verendrye met and described so carefully but 
the southward moving Hidatsa or Grosventre Indians, 
who had acquired from the northward moving Mandan 
civilization some of their arts — house building among 
them. And this would explain why the Crees of Canada, 


meeting the Grosventres in the Mouse River valley where 
Verendrye later met them, would give them a name which 
by an historical blunder has come to be applied to a 
tribe the Crees perhaps never saw. Verendrye 's des- 
cription of his Mandan village does not correspond to the 
real Mandan village, but it does describe quite closely 
some of the Grosventre or Hidatsa villages on the upper 
Missouri which have already been explored by the State 
Historical Society of North Dakota. 

It is stated in the Lewis and Clark journal that up to 
the Knife River villages all the Mandan sites were aban- 
doned and the tepees in ruins. Now this does not corre- 
spond at all with the stories of the Mandan Indians them- 
selves, who have preserved carefully the names and loca- 
tions of their village sites and the chief man of each. 
It may be that in the hurried trip it would be impossible 
to make careful observation, or to record more than a 
few of the more obvious facts regarding village sites. 
One fact which we find continual evidence of is that sites 
are often abandoned temporarily, to be reoccupied in 
later years. As in case of their clumsy guess at the spell- 
ing of Bird Woman, * both Lewis and Clark had serious 
limitations that must be allowed for in using their record 

Historically the Mandans form the most important 
culture group in the upper Missouri valley and their vil- 
lages became the resort of fur traders because the Man- 
dans raised corn and tobacco and so attracted the unciv- 
ilized nomads on every side of them — the Sioux, the 
Crow, the Assiniboine, and the Cheyenne — with their 
furs and hides. In the end their civilization was their 
own undoing, for the fur- trading steamboats brought the 
small pox, and their sedentary village habit served to 
spread the disease to all their tribe, while the nomad 

i See Collections of the State Historical Society of North Dakota, 
Vol. I, p. 69. 


Sioux scattered to the four winds, and saved themselves 
from the infection. In 1837 all males over 15 years of 
age (except 50) perished. From that date the tribe com- 
bined with the Hidatsa, who had suffered severely also, 
and together the broken tribes retreated northward until 
they made their last village on what is now the Fort 
Berthold Eeservation. 

The Mandans have the record with the United States 
Indian agents of never having killed a white man. They 
are justly proud of this; but they are perhaps prouder 
still of being the only tribe in the region whose history 
goes back far beyond that of any of their allies. The 
task of disentangling the mythology of these three tribes 
and of writing clear the individual contribution of the 
Mandans is no easy one ; but with the aid of the historians 
and of students of Indian mythology and archaeology, we 
can make the record one that shall serve as a foundation 
for a study of the later work of our pioneers and settlers 
of the last half century. 


By 0. M. Dickerson 

The Board of Trade was organized in 1696 to silence 
the clamors of the English commercial interests. * It 
was a collegiate body of eight, and was given general 
charge of trade relations and the foreign plantations. 2 
At first it exercised a very considerable authority over 
colonial administration; bnt as its orders were subject 
to a veto by the Privy Council, as it did not have the 
power to appoint and remove colonial officials, and as 
the men who served upon it became more incompetent, 
the Board gradually sank into a mere bureau of infor- 
mation during the period of 1713-48. It was during this 
period that the colonies acquired virtual self-government 
by encroachments upon the authority of the Governors. 
A real revolution in the affairs of the Board of Trade 
dates from the appointment of Halifax as President in 
1748. Dispatches which had lain unnoticed for years 
were re-read, and for the first time in years the officials 
in England realized what had been going on in America. 

By efficient service as head of the Board, Halifax 
rapidly secured increased authority and dignity for that 
body. In 1752, all colonial correspondence was trans- 
ferred to the Board. 3 Gradually it became a real col- 
onial office and in 1757 it was so recognized by giving 

i Burnet's History of My Own Times (edition of 1857), p. 621. 

2 A copy of the commission is given in New York Colonial Documents, 
Vol. IV, p. 146. The principal Secretaries of State were also members, but 
were not expected to attend (p. 148). 

3 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, pp. 727, 757. 


Halifax a seat in the cabinet. 4 From then until the out- 
break of the Bevolution, the Board retained its authority, 
and usua^y the President was virtually a colonial secre- 

It is only within recent years that the importance 
of the Board of Trade to American history has been 
recognized. The enormous amount of letters and papers 
which accumulated in the Plantation Office remained 
unexploited, and even to-day this rich field has scarcely 
been touched. Even the importance of the Board in 
controlling and shaping colonial affairs has scarcely been 
pointed out, although that body carried on most of the 
correspondence with the Governors, drew up their com- 
missions and instructions, advised them from time to 
time, and examined all complaints against them. 

It also had charge of colonial laws, advised their 
repeal or confirmation by the crown, heard all complaints 
against the operation of such laws, prepared schemes 
for increasing the trade of the colonies by encouraging 
certain industries, listened to complaints from English 
merchants and manufacturers, and gave advice as to 
which industries in the colonies should be discouraged 
or prohibited. It also had charge of Indian affairs, trade 
relations, boundaries, defense, quit-rents, payment of 
officers in the colonies, distribution of money granted to 
the colonies by Parliament for military purposes, and 
was responsible for the whole back country policy which 
affected the Ohio and Mississippi valleys after 1760. In 
view of these facts the Board of Trade papers and the 
relations of the Board to the colonies merit further inves- 
tigation at the hands of American students of both east- 
ern and western colonial history. 

As the work of the Board is too extensive to be 
treated in a single paper I have selected but two points 

4 See Horace Walpole's Letters, Vol. IV, pp. 11, 64, 66; also Sharpens 
Correspondence, Vol. II, p. 68. 


in its activity. The first deals with the treatment of 
colonial laws, as that shows the actual workings of the 
colonial machinery in England. The second is the In- 
dian policy of the Board, as it shows a proposed plan 
for the government of the back country. 

The royal veto was the most effective weapon in the 
hands of the British government for controlling the col- 
onies. "With the exception of Ehode Island and Connec- 
ticut, all the provinces had to transmit their laws to 
England for approval. 5 Some provincial laws went into 
force when passed and remained in force until disap- 
proved by the Crown ; in such cases disapproval amounted 
to a repeal. Other laws had a clause suspending their 
operation until they were approved by the Crown; in 
such cases a failure to approve amounted to a veto. In 
either case, the action of the Crown was based upon a 
representation of the Board of Trade, as the royal veto 
was exercised under its direction. 6 

The foremost reason for disallowance was that an 
act encroached upon the royal prerogative, a sufficiently 
flexible reason to cover a multitude of objectionable laws. 
The New York triennial act and the North Carolina bien- 
nial act are good illustrations. These were held to be 
clear infringements upon the Governor's power to sum- 
mon, prorogue, and dissolve assemblies; and although 
they were very popular in the colonies and even met with 
the approval of one of the royal Governors, they were 
disallowed. 7 

Another good legal ground for disallowance was a 
conflict between provincial laws and such imperial laws as 
extended to America, for the Board insisted that colonial 

5 These colonies transmitted their laws at times, even though their 
charters did not require it. 

6 See Greene 's Provincial America, pp. 49-53, for a brief discussion 
of disallowed colonial laws. It is, however, the fullest discussion extant. 

7 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VT, pp. 29-130; Chalmers's 
Opinions, p. 200; North Carolina Colonial Eecords, Vol. IV, p. 251. 


laws should not be inconsistent with the laws of England. 
Thus laws were constantly submitted to a kind of consti- 
tutional test. Such a test was applied by the legal ad- 
visers of the Crown, and the Board always acted upon 
their advice in such matters. Every legislature in Amer- 
ica felt this constant check upon its authority, and many 
laws were disallowed — such, for example, was the judic- 
iary act of Massachusetts which infringed upon the rights 
of the admiralty courts to try cases without a jury. 8 
Other illustrations are laws regulating the descent of 
property, which conflicted with the laws of entail, and 
were consequently disallowed. 9 

Aside from the subjects covered by positive English 
laws extending to the colonies, the Board recognized that 
there were other fields of authority which the home gov- 
ernment should occupy, and from which the colonial 
governments should be excluded. One of these was the 
control over commerce. In dealing with colonial laws 
which laid impost duties, or which were intended to 
regulate commerce, the Board was actuated, apparently, 
by both administrative and commercial motives. The 
home merchants were very sensitive over any burden 
laid upon commerce, and were always ready to complain 
to the Board of any colonial laws having that effect. 
Sometimes the Board secured the repeal of the laws thus 
complained of; sometimes it did not. Its attitude is 
best understood by a consideration of specific acts of this 
kind which were disallowed. In 1700 the Board reported 
unfavorably a law of Massachusetts which contained a 
clause establishing sea ports, on the ground that it was 

8 "The Act entitled An Act for Establishing Courts, providing 
amongst other things that all matters and issues in fact shall be tried by 
a jury of twelve men, has in that particular, been looked upon as directly 
contrary to the intention of the Act of Parliament. ' ' — Board to Bello- 
mont, February 3, 1699. — Massachusetts Acts and Besolves, Vol. I, p. 287. 

9 Connecticut Historical Society Collections, Vol. IV, pp. 114, 115, 
143-150, and passim. 


an infringement npon the powers of the Commissioners 
of Customs to establish ports for the lading and unlading 
of enumerated goods. 10 Another act of Massachusetts 
of 1718 laid heavier duties upon English goods and Eng- 
lish ships than upon those of any other country or any 
other province. Such a law discriminated against Brit- 
ish ships and British goods, and hence was clearly intend- 
ed to regulate the external commerce of the colony. The 
Board promptly asked that it be disallowed and that any 
further enactment be declared illegal. n 

Other colonies attempted to lay duties upon Euro- 
pean goods, but the acts were generally disallowed, and 
in 1724 specific instructions were sent to all the Governors 
forbidding them to sign any bill laying duties upon 
European goods imported in English vessels. From that 
time on, all colonial revenue laws had to comply with 
this order, the alternative being prompt disallowance. 12 

This jealous exclusion of the colonies from any con- 
trol over foreign commerce is also seen in the Board's 
treatment of several acts of Pennsylvania laying heavy 
duties upon the importation of paupers and criminals, 
which laws were objected to because they tended to ex- 
clude persons who could legally be imported according 
to the acts of Parliament. 13 Similar action was taken in 
regard to laws imposing duties upon imported slaves. 
Some of these laws were to raise revenue; others were 
frankly regulative. 

The Board conceded the legality of the first class, 
but objected to the latter, and in 1735 directed that the 

io Massachusetts Acts and 'Resolves, Vol. I, p. 336 (note). Another 
act regulating the building of ships was disallowed because it might sub- 
ject British merchants who had ships built in the province to inconvenient 
regulations. — Massachusetts Acts and Resolves, Vol. I, p. 353 (note). 

n Massachusetts Acts and Resolves, Vol. I, pp. 107-112. 

12 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. V, p. 706; Vol. VI, pp. 33-36. 

13 Report of the Board of Trade on the Pennsylvania Acts of 1742- 
1743, December 6, 1744. — Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. I, p. 721; Pennsyl- 
vania Statutes at Large, Vol. IV, pp. 509-511. 


duties must be so laid as not to interfere with importa- 
tion. If they did, they were disallowed. 14 

The Board also attempted to prevent the colonies 
from regulating purely intercolonial trade. Acts of 
Massachusetts were disallowed because they discriminat- 
ed against the products of New Hampshire. 1S Similar 
action was taken in regard to the laws of Virginia 16 and 
South Carolina, because they laid burdens upon the pro- 
ducts of North Carolina. u 

Thus the Board was constantly doing what it could 
to prevent one colony from injuring its neighbor in a 
commercial way. It is possible that it was this attitude 
which prevented such quarrels over commerce as came 
so nearly disrupting the Confederation ; and possibly the 
remembrance of this attitude of the Board had something 
to do with the transfer of all power over interstate trade 
to the central government. 

Another class of legislation which the Board sought 
to check by disallowance included laws affecting private 
property and credit transactions, such as: laws giving 
claims of resident creditors precedence over those of 
non-residents, 18 bankruptcy laws, 19 legal tender acts, 20 
stay laws, 21 cultivation laws, 22 and laws for recording 
deeds and proving titles. 

14 New Jersey Archives, Vol. IX, pp. 52-53; North Carolina Colonial 
Becords, Vol. V, p. 118; New York Colonial Laws, Vol. II, pp. 768-787; 
New York Colonial Documents, Vol. V, p. 33; Vol. VI, pp. 33-34; Dubois's 
Suppression of the Slave Trade, Chapters ii and iv. 

is Massachusetts Acts and Besolves, Vol. II, pp. 235, 747. 

16 North Carolina Colonial Becords, Vol. Ill, pp. 196, 211. 

17 North Carolina Colonial Becords, Vol. V, pp. 786, 787. 

18 North Carolina Colonial Becords, Vol. IV, p. 344; Pennsylvania 
Archives (First Series), Vol. I, p. 158. 

19 Massachusetts Acts and Besolves, Vol. IV, p. 44. 

20 New Jersey Archives, Vol. VIII, Part II, pp. 101, 125, and passim; 
New York Colonial Documents, Vols. V, VI, passim. 

21 New Jersey Archives, Vol. VII, pp. 307, 308.' 

22 North Carolina Colonial Becords, Vol. IV, pp. 422, 438. 


Perhaps the one restraint which caused as much 
discontent as any other, and the one which directly af- 
fected the back country, was that placed on the creation 
of new representative districts. As the colonies grew, 
and the population flowed westward and filled up the 
back country it was necessary to increase the number of 
civil divisions. In Massachusetts it had been the custom 
to create new towns and permit them to send delegates 
to the House of Representatives in the same manner as 
the older towns. In 1743 the Governor was instructed 
by the Board not to assent to any similar laws in the 
future, on the ground that the practice tended to increase 
unnecessarily the size of the legislature. Massachusetts 
did not attempt an open violation of this order until 
1757, when Danvers was given representation. This law 
was promptly disallowed. 23 

In the meantime the same question had arisen in 
North Carolina in a similar form. From time to time 
new counties had been created with the privilege of send- 
ing two delegates to the Assembly. Some of the older 
counties had five delegates and so the representation had 
become unequal. In 1746, Governor Johnston by some 
shrewd parliamentary practice secured a new law rear- 
ranging the representation. This act was considered by 
the Board between the years 1750-54, and was finally 
recommended for disapproval together with all the other 
acts creating counties. The question was at last settled 
by directing the Governor to consent to the formation of 
new counties, but he was not to permit the legislature 
to give them the power to elect members of the Assem- 
bly. 24 Thus the Board stood in the way of the develop- 
ment of portions of the West, by refusing to permit the 
Assemblies to give such sections legislative representa- 

23 Massachusetts Acts and Resolves, Vol. II, pp. 1006, 1007; Vol. IV, 
pp. 5, 94. 

24 North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. V, pp. 81-108, 340, 341, 1111. 


tion. Perhaps it was afraid rotten boroughs might be 
created over here. 

From the accounts just given, it is seen that the 
Board, through its power to secure the repeal of colonial 
laws, was able to mold and develop certain phases of the 
colonial constitutions. The power to regulate external 
commerce was carefully retained in the hands of the 
home government, and restrictions were placed upon the 
provincial regulation of purely intercolonial commerce. 
Judicial procedure was kept in harmony with that in 
England, and innovations of uncertain value were largely 
excluded. Last, but not least, the Board was able to 
prevent the enactment or secure the repeal of unjust or 
discriminating laws, and in this way protected the resi- 
dents of the colonies from the action of ignorant or 
partisan Assemblies. 

Let us now look a little more carefully at the method 
of procedure by which a law was finally disallowed. The 
laws were transmitted to England, and delivered to one 
of the principal Secretaries of State, to the Clerk of the 
Privy Council, or directly to the Board. In any case, 
however, they were referred to the Board for considera- 
tion. The work of that body was pretty well organized. 
Whatever laws concerned the customs were sent to the 
Commissioners of the Customs for their opinion, and 
similarly with laws which affected the admiralty or any 
other department of the government. When a law had 
been considered by a department, it was returned to the 
Board with a written opinion as to its acceptability. 25 
Aside from regular departments of state, the Board had 
frequent recourse to the Bishop of London for his opinion 
upon laws which might affect his ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion or which inflicted penalties for immoral conduct. 

25 Massachusetts Acts and Besolves, Vol. I, pp. 67-69, 126. 


He was quite ready to give his opinion and at times even 
insisted upon being heard. 26 

After having passed the criticisms of the various 
departments, the laws were sent to one of the crown 
lawyers for an opinion "in point of law". A special 
attorney was appointed for this purpose, 27 and it was 
to the interest of each colony that he should report its 
laws favorably. It was here that an active agent began 
his campaign for the confirmation of a law. By calling 
on the attorney, explaining the purpose of the various 
acts, and paying the required fees, he could frequently 
secure a favorable report where otherwise it might be 
adverse. 28 

The whole method of procedure can best be seen in a 
typical case, such as the repeal of a Massachusetts act 
of 1722, laying a tax upon the Quaker towns of Dart- 
mouth and Tiverton for the support of Congregational 
ministers. The assessors of the towns had refused to 
enforce the act, and had been thrown into prison. They 
then complained to the King of the injustice of the law, 
and asked for its repeal. This complaint was received 
by the Lords Justice in Council, referred to the Com- 
mittee of Council, and by them to the Board of Trade. 
In the course of two weeks, that body sent the act to the 
regular attorney for the Board, a Mr. West, for his 
opinion "in point of law". A few days later (Nov. 20, 

26 Pennsylvania Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 461 ; Massachusetts 
Acts and Resolves, Vol. I, p. 5; Vol. II, p. 481. 

27 The special attorneys for the Board were Eichard West, Francis 
Fane and Matthew Lamb in succession. See the notes to the Acts of 
Massachusetts for illustrations of their work. 

28 l ' Here is the heavy and useful part of the duty of an Agent ; to 
attend the Eeporting Counsel, to explain circumstances, & lead his Opinion 
to a Eeport favorable to the wishes of the Province for which he acts; as 
a person in the Eeporting Counsel's situation must be unacquainted with 
a thousand things an Agent can explain, & consequently without the In- 
formation, be liable to many Mistakes." — North Carolina Colonial Records, 
Vol. V, p. 747. 


1723), the agents for the Quakers attended the Board, 
and were told that the act was with Mr. West, and that 
it would be considered as soon as his opinion was re- 
ceived. On December 10, Mr. West reported that he had 
no objection to the act in point of law. 29 

As soon as this report was received by the Board, a 
day was set for a consideration of the act, and the agents 
for the Quakers and for the colony notified. On the 
appointed day, the two agents with their attorney ap- 
peared in behalf of the Quakers. The province was like- 
wise represented by two agents with their solicitor. The 
attorneys each presented proofs and arguments in sup- 
port of his side of the case. After the formal hearing, 
the agents and their solicitors withdrew, and the secre- 
tary of the Board was ordered to draw up a representa- 
tion to the Lords Justices for the repeal of the act. This 
was agreed to and signed the following day and sent to 
the office of the Privy Council. 

January 14, 1724, an Order in Council referred this 
to the Committee of the Privy Council to be considered 
and reported upon. In the meantime the law had been 
reenacted, and it, too, was sent up to the Privy Council 
with a recommendation from the Board for its repeal. 
The Committee then took the two representations into 
consideration, and recommended that both acts be dis- 
allowed, and that the taxes in question in both towns be 
remitted, which was promptly done by an order in Coun- 
cil. 30 It should be noticed that the Committee in Council, 
in this case, simply confirmed the recommendation of the 

If there was no opposition, the confirmation of a rec- 
ommendation of the Board followed as a matter of course. 
Sometimes, however, the contest was carried up to the 
committee. In that case the hearing resembled very 

29 Massachusetts Acts and Resolves, Vol. II, pp. 272, 273. 

30 Massachusetts Acts and Resolves, Vol. II, pp. 273-277. 


much that in a court of appeal. No testimony was heard ; 
no witnesses were called. The only question was whether 
the action of the Board should stand, and on that, the in- 
terested parties could be heard only by counsel. Occa- 
sionally the committee would remand a question to the 
Board for further investigation. That was equivalent to 
ordering a new trial, and again brings out the resem- 
blance of the Board to a court of first instance, and the 
committee to a court of appeal. 

In no case could the method of repealing colonial 
laws be called arbitrary. At every point of the consider- 
ation before the Board and afterward, every legal safe- 
guard was thrown about the law. The procedure was 
tedious to a degree not exceeded by that of our own 
courts, for it was possible to delay action by requests for 
time to get information from America, motions for a 
reconsideration, etc. In fact, our own Supreme Court 
declares State laws invalid with far more celerity and 
much less ceremony than was usually required in disal- 
lowing a colonial law, although the Board could act with 
the utmost promptness when necessity demanded it. 

In the Board's treatment of colonial laws, constitu- 
tional principles of considerable value were being devel- 
oped. Each colony was subjected to a restraint upon its 
legislation, in many ways similar to that provided in our 
constitution, and the people of the colonies were accus- 
tomed to having their laws tested in a court of last resort 
by clearly defined legal processes which prepared them 
for the Supreme Court which they afterward created to 
perform similar functions. 

Before the administration of Halifax the Board did 
not have any clearly defined Indian policy, other than 
to preserve the friendship of the strong tribes on the 
frontier, to pit one tribe against another, and to develop 
the fur trade. To preserve the friendship of dangerous 
or useful tribes, forts and garrisons were maintained 


among them, presents were regularly given when a new 
Governor came over, on the accession of a new sovereign, 
and in case of war. The cost of these presents was recog- 
nized by the Board as a regular charge upon the home 
government. In addition, an attempt was made to fur- 
nish the Indians with smiths, other artificers, and mis- 
sionaries. Aside from these things, each particular colony 
was usually left free to control the commercial and politi- 
cal relations of its people with the Indians on its own 
frontiers. 31 The results, however, were never satisfac- 
tory, for the Indians were constantly complaining of un- 
scrupulous traders, and exorbitant grants of land. Some 
of these came before the Board, where an attempt was 
made to prevent any action which might alienate the 

During the war of 1744-48, Sir Wm. Johnson was 
made colonel of the Six Nations, and given unlimited 
credit to supply them with presents, arms, and ammuni- 
tion ; consequently he acquired a great reputation among 
them, and much influence over them. At the end of the 
war, however, his supply of money ceased, and the In- 
dians began again to complain. As the French and 
Indian War became more imminent, the Board began to 
lay plans to redress all real grievances of the Indians and 
to secure their friendship. 32 

The instructions sent to Governor Osborn of New 
York in 1753 indicate the policy which was being formu- 
lated. Presents were to be given as usual, a council was 
to be called at Albany to arrange an alliance with the 
Six Nations, 33 and last of all, he was to permit no more 
purchases of land by private individuals, but when the 
Indians were disposed to sell any of their lands, the pur- 
chase was to be made in His Majesty's name, and at the 

3* New York Colonial Documents, Vols. IV, V, passim; Beer's 
British Colonial Policy, Chapter XII. 

32 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VI, p. 42. 

33 New Jersey Archives, Vol. VIII, p. 156. 


public charge. 34 Similar instructions were sent to the 
other Governors. The general desirability of stopping 
all private purchases of Indian lands was recognized in 
America, and was one of the measures proposed at Al- 
bany in 1754. 

At the outbreak of the war, Johnson was again placed 
in charge of the Six Nations by order of General Brad- 
dock; but in 1756, the Board gave him a commission as 
Agent for the northern Indians, and a salary direct from 
the Crown. At the same time, Edmund Atkinson was 
appointed Agent for the southern Indians, and in the 
future these two men were consulted by the Board on all 
questions affecting Indian affairs. Thus the Board 
adopted for the first time the policy of selecting Agents, 
so as to deal with the Indians directly instead of leaving 
all such matters to the several Governors and the Assem- 
blies. 35 

From 1756 on, the Board endeavored to remove all 
just complaints of the Indians. The most serious griev- 
ance was the constant encroachment of the whites upon 
the Indian lands. Governor Hardy and Chief Justice De 
Lancey of New York were instructed to secure a law 
breaking the exorbitant grants which had been made in 
the Mohawk country. The Assembly refused to pass the 
law, although the Board at the instigation of Johnson 
continued the attempt for eight years, and then threatened 
to appeal to Parliament. 36 

Johnson and the Board were trying to secure some 
permanent solution of the Indian question. The former 
suggested that the whole matter, including both political 
and commercial relations, should be regulated by the 
Crown through a royal commission, as the task was too 

34 New Jersey Archives, Vol. VIII, p. 156. 

35 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VI, pp. 888, 961; Vol. VII, 
pp. 35, 37, 208-210; Pennsylvania Coloiiial Becords, Vol. VI, p. 59. 

36 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, pp. 78-79, 377, 633, 673- 


large for one man. Naturally the Board was very much 
influenced by what he wrote. 

The success of the English in the war aroused some 
apprehensions on the part of the Indians that their lands 
were to be taken from them. These fears were increased 
by the grants in the Mohawk and Ohio countries. From 
Johnson's letters the Board early recognized the dan- 
ger of alienating the Indians unless these grants were 
checked. Consequently, early in 1761, it advised Hie 
King that it was a most dangerous policy to permit new 
settlements and colonies in the back country before the 
claims of the Indians were settled. 37 As a result of this 
representation, the Board was ordered to prepare new 
instructions to the Governors, which forbade them to 
issue any new grants in the regions claimed by the In- 
dians, and directed them to issue a proclamation at once 
in the King's name, ordering all persons who had settled 
in the Indian country to remove at once from the region. 
All persons securing Indian titles by fraud were to be 
prosecuted, and no one in future could purchase Indian 
lands without a license. 38 These instructions of 1761 
indicate for the first time a determined policy on the 
part of the Board to establish regular Indian reservations 
and to protect the same from the encroachments of the 
whites. These instructions are the forerunners of the 
Proclamation of 1763, and whole clauses in the two are 
identical. It should be borne in mind that the object 
was not to annoy the American settlers, but to protect 
the Indians, and prevent an uprising such as actually 
occurred in a short time. 

The treaty of Paris left to the Board the task of 
governing the Indians of the greater portion of the con- 
tinent. The Agents in America were directed to corre- 
spond wholly with the Board, 39 and Johnson was asked 

37 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, p. 473. 

38 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, p. 478. 

39 Neiv York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, p. 555. 


to suggest plans for a permanent Indian policy. He and 
other officers in America advised that a boundary line 
should be adopted, west of which no settlements should 
be made. 40 Shelburne 41 worked out a detailed plan for 
regulating commercial and political relations with the 
Indians, and it would have been submitted to Parliament 
at the session of 1763-64, had it not been for the expendi- 
ture it proposed; consequently it was postponed until 
the next session in the hope that funds could be found. 
In the interval it was submitted to Johnson and some of 
the Governors in America for approval and suggestion. 42 

This plan was so far in advance of any former pro- 
posal that it is worthy of consideration. The Indian 
country was to be divided into two departments, each 
under the control of a Superintendent or Agent, inde- 
pendent of all local control. Each was to be assisted 
by deputies, two in the South and three in the North, and 
for each tribe the Crown was to appoint a commissary, an 
interpreter, and a smith, all of which were subject to the 
Agent. 43 

All provincial laws for regulating Indian affairs 
were to be repealed, and the entire commercial and 
political control placed in the hands of the Agents. All 
treaties with and purchases of lands from the Indians 
were to be in the presence of and with the consent of the 
Agent. No trader was to be permitted in the Indian 
country without a license : all were subject to the control 
of the Agent and his deputies. No firearms, other than 
for hunting purposes, nor rum were to be sold to the 
Indians. Last of all, the traders were not to be permitted 
to rob the Indians by charging exorbitant prices for their 

40 Letter of Johnson to the Board, September 25, 1763. — New York 
Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, p. 560. 

41 Shelburne was president of the Board at this time. 

42 New York Colonial Documents, Vol. VII, pp. 634, 661, 669. 

43 This plan is given in full in the New York Colonial Documents, 
Vol. VII, pp. 637-639. 


goods, but the price of every article was to be agreed 
upon in the presence of the trader, the Indians, and the 
commissary residing with each tribe. 

The one obstacle in the way of carrying out this 
policy was the expense. The cost was estimated at £20,000, 
and it was proposed at first to raise this on the licenses, 
but later this was abandoned as not feasible. Some form 
of taxation was necessary. In view of the failure of the 
Stamp Act policy and the small revenue received from 
the impost duties, Shelburne was compelled to abandon 
it. 44 Thus the proposed scheme, because of lack of 
money, is only one of the might-have-beens; but it dom- 
inated British policy toward the back country for nearly 
ten years, and suggested things which the United States 
adopted many years later. Not the least thing about it 
is the fact that it shows that the Board recognized that 
the Indian is properly the ward of the state, and that 
the control of all relations with him belongs properly to 
the central government, and not to individual States. 

44 Pennsylvania Colonial 'Records, Vol. IX, p. 552. 


By Albert Watkins 
[Mr. Watkins being unable to attend, his paper was not presented.] 


By C. M. Burton 

[Mr. Burton being unable to attend, the subject of his paper was dis- 
cussed informally by Mr. George W. Martin of the Kansas State Historical 




By Charles W. Mann 

The diversity and size of the subject assigned me 
made a deep impression from the first, and the weight 
of the impression has increased with time. Agencies and 
activities are, I take it, fairly inclusive terms. Perhaps 
the easiest way to define them would be by a process of 
exclusion. There are, however, some phases of the sub- 
ject that I shall try to discuss, leaving to my colleagues 
the more important task of supplying many omitted 

It seems to me that the first of all agencies, the most 
active of all activities and the one that is most in need 
of assistance, is the school. I take it that more than 
once many of us have been unpleasantly awakened from 


our dream that we were actually doing something to 
arouse interest in the subject of history, by realizing the 
few points of contact between teaching and practical 
everyday life. How does it happen that the pupil keeps 
his historical notions safely locked away in the textbook 
to be taken out in the rare cases where they seem to 
apply? How does it happen that he fails to connect his 
everyday politics with the politics of the past? Why 
does he miss the simplest analogies, and fail to draw con- 
clusions from the most obvious comparisons? 

Now no especial criticism of the schools is intended. 
"With the amount of work to be done, the wonder is that 
so much is accomplished. Except for the last two years 
of the primary schools, the pupil's powers of concep- 
tion and expression limit the subject matter of history 
to short and simple biography. In communities that 
have the greatest need of a general knowledge of our 
history, a very large percentage of pupils never enter 
the secondary schools, and their further knowledge is 
limited in many cases to the ordinarily distorted views 
obtained from the daily press. To remedy this state of 
affairs seems to one to be cooperation of the most useful 

We of the schools have a vocabulary peculiarly our 
own by which we express more or less definitely notions 
which are more or less clear. We hear much of histor- 
ical point of view, of historical-mindedness, of the scien- 
tific method as applied to history. We are not even 
agreed among ourselves as to what constitutes teachable 
history. Does it consist in the simple, orderly presenta- 
tion of related facts? Is it primarily the training of 
certain mental qualities? Does the profitable study of 
history begin and end with biography on the ground that 
the human race has advanced by a series of shoves from 
the hands of strenuous personalities ? Or are these per- 
sonalities merely products of conditions, owing their ex- 


istence to these conditions as the harvest depends upon 
the sowing! In this as in many another dispute in 
medias res is safest. 

However, by whatever process the result is accom- 
plished, I take it that the power of sound independent 
judgment, the ability to see facts in their proper relations, 
the resistance to those undefinable forces which so often 
stampede a careless public — these things are more im- 
portant in a community than in an individual. If the 
most valuable heritage of the English-speaking people is 
"political common sense", we are then under the most 
serious obligations to preserve that heritage, and I know 
of no better way of doing it than by a constant and active 
interest in the work of our schools. If the method and 
purpose of history teaching are important, that import- 
ance is derived primarily from their application. The 
course of history study in the German primary and sec- 
ondary schools makes of Germany the source and center 
of a political system about which other nations as satel- 
lites obediently revolve. By contact with a comparative- 
ly large number of young Eussian Jews who wish to be 
considered the leaders of their groups, I have found a 
persistent ignoring of the facts of history, a persistent 
refusal to consider things in their elementary relations. 
But they can not get enough of what they call the phil- 
osophy of history, the "movements of men in the large, 
of humanity", as one of them put it. So they seize upon 
a half-explained conclusion drawn from facts of which 
they are ignorant. They drift or argue themselves into 
an unreasoning, unreasonable attitude, and are speedily 
out of the everyday world and unfitted for its burdens 
and responsibilities. Soon they are prepared to resist 
the laws which they, in theory, make ; they rebel against 
authority which they may, in part, create; they are as 
much out of place in democratic America as in autocratic 


I am aware that I am speaking of local conditions, 
of a massed foreign population composed of many na- 
tionalities, but our problem is largely to care for the 
adopted American — the average rural community, the 
Mayflower descendants and the Daughters of the Ameri- 
can Eevolution may be trusted to look out for themselves. 
On the whole, the desire of the naturalized American 
to become a good citizen is almost pathetic in its inten- 
sity. A demand for higher wages on the part of a Chi- 
cago group was based not upon their own needs but upon 
those of their children. "We can exist on the wage, but 
we cannot bring up our children as Americans on it" 
was their argument. One of the best governed wards in 
Chicago, and one of the most independent in local poli- 
tics, is one in which ninety per cent of the voters are 
foreign. Their children are born to citizenship and with 
their fathers are intensely proud of the school which, 
whatever else it may or may not teach, must be the first 
guide in explaining their duties and rights as Americans. 

I have sometimes thought that one of the chief 
obstacles to successful history teaching in the schools is 
the fact that it must be done so largely through the 
medium of printed or spoken narration and description. 
There is a process much overworked in normal and 
practice schools known as the process of visualizing. 
"You must visualize your teaching to make it real. ,, 
Unfortunately, the operation is concerned with lenses of 
various distorting power and curious images result. It 
begins usually with the landing of Columbus, skips lightly 
to the Boston Tea Party, and ends with the attack on 
Fort Sumter. Yet the notion is in the main rational, 
except that we still have the same medium of more or 
less graphic oral description. Is it not possible to retain 
the fundamental idea, but change the process? 

For the most part, the equipment of our schools for 
history work is entirely inadequate ; in most schools there 


is nothing that can be properly termed equipment. It 
seems to me that it is a very proper function of historical 
societies, not to provide this equipment, but so to em- 
phasize the importance of work in history, so to combine 
the work of the school, the society, and the community, 
that school officials will be led to recognize the value of 
various aids to history teaching. Of these, I suppose that 
books will always be reckoned first, but books are too 
often selected with the main idea that they are deposito- 
ries of facts. They are of no value for any other purpose 
under the sun. What the student gets from them is cyclo- 
pedic in character, dry, colorless, without imagination or 
interest. Given a few alterations, mainly of chronology 
and geography, and the biography of one man is precisely 
like that of any other. 

Then, generally speaking, the pupils are sent to the 
books. There is no attraction which draws them natur- 
ally to look for something that is not required, for some- 
thing that they do not know and yet think is worth know- 
ing. If such a process is to be obtained it must be by 
free contact with books selected primarily for their power 
to interest as well as for their historical value. They 
must be easy of access so that the reader may come and 
go at will; they must be so surrounded that the hours 
spent in the library will be hours of recreation rather 
than hours of work. In some places, public libraries 
maintain rooms and attendants in the public school build- 
ings. In others the attendant is a member of the teach- 
ing force. Under either system the entire resources of 
the library may be utilized by the school. Elsewhere, 
libraries have established rooms for boys and girls which 
are usually well patronized. The first plan has many 
advantages over the second, especially in larger cities, 
though the initial cost and expense of maintenance are 
somewhat greater. 

There has been a great change also in the character 
of our school buildings. Here and there you will find 


one that is not an architectural monstrosity. Proper 
attention is given to sanitation, to lighting, to ventilation. 
The question of the pupils' health is considered in the 
construction of the stairways, the desks, the rooms, but 
systematic adornment of the building is not common. 
There is an abundance of material in the form of statu- 
uary, pictures of places, and portraits, each of which may 
be selected to teach its own lesson. Here again, the 
societies may be ready with suggestions of great value in 
the choice of historical subjects. 

In some places there have been regular meetings for 
school children like those in the Old South Church, Bos- 
ton. In Boston and elsewhere the plan of frequent trips 
to places of historical interest has met with success. 
These personally conducted tours have some defects, how- 
ever, and I am not sure but that the better way is to get 
little groups to do the investigating on their own account. 
I have found that a casual reference to some place of 
interest and a suggestion that it would be worth seeing 
has been acted upon quite promptly and, I do not doubt, 
as satisfactorily as if done with a party and a guide. 
The knowledge of these places, how they may be reached, 
their story in all its bearings, the use that may be made 
of these stories ; in short, whatever will enable the visitor 
to understand what he sees, whether the data be pictorial, 
narrative or documentary, can and should be furnished 
by the local societies. I have a notion that such societies 
should be in some sort centers of information ; that even 
the stranger within the gates should apply to them and 
not in vain for information as to what is worth seeing 
and why it is worth seeing. 

Societies collect a large number of pictures of local 
interest. At a rough guess the Chicago Historical So- 
ciety has about two thousand. It is not a matter of great 
difficulty or expense to arrange these properly and make 
lantern slides which may be used in lectures before the 


society or loaned to the schools, and there are few more 
effective ways of arousing interest in local history. 

It will be apparent by this time that my argument is 
chiefly for the creation of an historical atmosphere, par- 
ticularly in and through the schools ; that there the first 
notions of history are apt to be obtained; that there, 
whether consciously or not, the first applications of his- 
torical knowledge are made. Now it is frequently the 
case that if these results are not obtained through the 
school they will not be obtained at all. It would seem, 
then, that here is a field for active work on the part of 
local societies; that here is one form of activity, as yet 
almost undeveloped outside of New England, which may 
be entered upon profitably. Moreover, the schools and 
school curricula will be the gainers also. The work of 
the teacher will be somewhat lightened and gradually 
supplemented; history study will be emancipated from 
the close bondage of the school room ; it will have a new 
and another meaning to the pupil which he will not for- 
get later. 

The particular form of cooperation between histor- 
ical societies and other educational agencies in a commun- 
ity will, of course, be determined by local conditions. 
The chief thing is that such a society should recognize 
its duties and opportunities as one of these agencies; 
that it should be ready to initiate and ready to cooperate 
in furthering the plans of others. As a single instance 
of a general scheme for awakening an interest in local 
history the preparations for the semi-centennial of the 
Lincoln-Douglas debates may be mentioned, though many 
of you are already familiar with it. Circular twenty- 
four issued by the State Superintendent of Illinois was 
prepared under the direction of the Illinois Historical 
Society by three men well known in the field of local his- 
tory. It contains a map of the State showing the seven 
Congressional districts in 1858, and the places where the 


debates were held. There is a brief explanation of the 
political situation and of the character and abilities of 
the two men. This is followed by a series of newspaper 
extracts, by selections from the speeches, by one or two 
well-chosen bits from modern books, and by parts of the 
Freeport Speech arranged in dialogue form. Finally 
jfchere are campaign songs to tunes now happily or un- 
happily forgotten. The circular has a few well-chosen 
pictures and a brief bibliography of the debates. It 
furnishes, or gives a clue to, all the material necessary 
to make a profitable and attractive school exercise. 

A few more references to some of the related activ- 
ities by which societies may serve the public and I shall 
come to the subject itself. Probably there is within the 
sphere of influence of every society here represented 
some particular place which deserves to be remembered 
because of its local history and associations. Some one 
must take the initiative in such matters and ordinarily 
there is nobody better fitted to do it than the local so- 
ciety which understands the real value of the thing pro- 
posed to be done. It is unfortunate to mark the wrong 
spot. Important as the Chicago fire was, the tablet in 
the house upon the site of the barn where a probably 
mythical cow kicked over an imaginary lamp, is not an 
object of pilgrimage, though it may serve as an identifica- 
tion. On the other hand, the old marble tablet in the 
building on the site of Fort Dearborn, inadequate as it is, 
serves its purpose well. The Pullman statue of the Fort 
Dearborn tragedy, whether rightly placed or not, tells in 
striking form one of the dramatic incidents of that event. 
An attempt was made, unfortunately too late, to save 
the old Green Tree tavern. We all know how the Old 
South Church and the Old State House in Boston were 
saved and what they mean to many a chance visitor in 
Boston. It is to be hoped that the money-changers will 
some day be stopped in their sacrilegious use of Faneuil 


Hall. One might continue the list for it is long enough to 
be a matter of some pride. 

In the case of larger areas, there is the possibility 
of converting them into State parks. The battle field of 
Tippecanoe is a little hill crowned with magnificent trees, 
many of them older than the battle. The field is sur- 
rounded by a plain iron fence not easily harmed; there 
is nothing to be cared for except the thick sod and great 

I do not know the history of the reservation at Mack- 
inac since its purchase by the State of Michigan, but the 
improved appearance is a gratification to every lover of 
the old fort. If anything in the valley of the Great Lakes 
is worth preserving, it is this fort with its blockhouses, 
walls, and approaches. It seems to me that this is only 
the beginning of a process which might make of it the 
most interesting place historically in the Northwest. 

My plea is that all historical agencies in this great 
valley unite in a systematic effort to popularize local his- 
tory; that as far as possible appeals to the public be 
made through media other than books, so that, if possible, 
there may be before the eyes of our associates, especially 
our children, material evidences of the elements of our 
national development. It was certainly not the recorded 
glory of Athens or might of Eome which appealed to the 
Athenian or the Eoman. It was not the recorded history 
of Paris, of Nurnberg, or of Eavenna that appeals to 
us, but it is that history which forces itself upon the eye 
at every turn that is imperishable. The Lion of Luzerne 
is in itself a whole library. 

I have tried to indicate some of the ways in which 
historical agencies may give to the public the benefits 
of their labor and skill. The technical work of these 
organizations, which is the real subject proposed for dis- 
cussion, is, I take it, of an entirely different character, 
to be carried on by entirely different methods. We have 


a comparatively large number of State and local societies 
organized for practically the same purpose, the collec- 
tion and publication of historical material. Some of these 
societies have established limits for themselves, others 
are limited in their activity by reason of their location 
and resources. Each, in its field, has or I believe should 
have a primary right to the material which it was organ- 
ized to collect and publish, when it has once shown its 
ability by the test of successful and continuous publica- 
tion. With the further perfection in organization and 
management of State societies and the development of 
local bodies in centers of population large enough to 
make them a success, the problem of the collection and 
proper preservation of historical materials will approach 
solution. It would seem then that some particular field 
must be chosen for this association, a field in which it 
will not interfere with the work of similar local bodies, 
but in which it may cooperate to extend their usefulness. 
Perhaps something can be done to systematize local 
publication. Without desiring to play the part of a cap- 
tious critic, it seems to me that there are many changes 
possible which will make our local publications more avail- 
able and of more value. They present marked differences 
and many defects. As a rule they are published from 
type in editions limited practically to the society mem- 
bership and exchanges and not long after publication are 
to be found only in the larger libraries. In many cases 
a definite plan of publication is not apparent. It seems 
to the outsider that a volume is published whenever there 
is material enough to make the required number of pages. 
Minutes of meetings, miscellaneous papers, and original 
documents are mixed indiscriminately, or documents are 
published together when, so far as their application is 
concerned, they are widely separated both in place and 
time. An effort to use them is a time-consumer, involv- 
ing a job of "buck-washing" similar to that which utterly 


upset the sweet Scotch temper of Carlyle. There are 
collections and proceedings in series innumerable, an 
arrangement invented by the devil to try the souls of 
bibliographers. Yet many of these defects are unavoid- 
able and the historical student must still be gratified 
that so many printed sources are available at all. 

I take it that this society has neither the wish nor 
the intent to encroach upon ground already occupied; 
that it has no notion of attempting to interfere with 
work which is being done, and admirably done in so many 
places; that it is rather a clearing-house where one so- 
ciety may find out what another is doing, and where all 
may profit by the exchange of ideas. But while this is 
being done, is it not possible to secure something more 
of uniformity, to prevent the duplication of work, to 
bring together, at least for publication, documents which 
are owned outside of the territory in which they prop- 
erly belong? The question, primarily, is not one of own- 
ership but of publication. Some societies have far greater 
resources than others and it is to be hoped that the tribe 
of private collectors will never decrease. The cause of 
history cannot spare such men as Dr. Draper, Mr. Burton, 
or Mr. Ayer, who have combined in their persons the 
whole range of society functions and have given time and 
money so freely to the collection and arrangement of 
historical material. May I suggest that one of the ways 
in which societies and individuals may cooperate is in the 
sifting of original material, the determination of the 
locality to which it is most closely related and the en- 
couragement of publication within this territory? 

Another important work is the collection of docu- 
ments. Dealers are bringing constantly to the attention 
of societies and collectors many documents and books 
which are often without their own particular fields but 
which may be of great interest and value to a neigh- 
boring society or State. Much is done already in the way 


of cooperation, but more can be accomplished through 
the agency of this association which is especially well 
fitted to conduct a thorough exploration of its territories 
for the mutual benefit of its members. Perhaps this is 
asking to much ; perhaps I am not estimating at its prop- 
er value the collecting spirit which once having ac- 
quired a thing is exceedingly unwilling to part with it no 
matter how useless it may be for its own purposes. Yet 
here again, the question is not so much ownership as 
publication. A document properly transcribed and print- 
ed is as useful as the original, to which the printed copy 
should always furnish a clue. 

The question of newspapers will, I suppose, always 
be an undecided one among societies. Perhaps not many 
of them are properly equipped for the preservation and 
use of any considerable number of files, yet these files 
are an absolute essential for historical work. There are 
still to be found, often in the offices of county papers and 
frequently in private possession, more or less complete 
files of the leading newspapers for the two decades pre- 
ceding the civil war. Earlier ones may be unearthed now 
and then. Some societies are making systematic efforts 
toward completing their files and the missing numbers 
drop in from the most unexpected quarters. It is doubt- 
ful whether this work can be undertaken by all the or- 
ganizations belonging to this society, but a plan might 
be devised whereby we might add to the three or four 
notable collections now within our territories and the 
minor collections which give promise of growth. One 
step, and perhaps the first must be to locate as many of 
these newspapers as possible. I have been told, without 
being able to investigate the statement, that the country 
about Lexington, Kentucky, contains a good deal of this 
material. The mercantile library at Cincinnati has some 
valuable files. So, I imagine, a working list would in- 
clude not only the contents of society libraries but those 


of institutions and individuals as well, and would serve as 
a valuable guide for investigators. The same process of 
search, whether by a bulletin of wants or otherwise, 
which is used to discover documents could be made to 
include papers as well. It is probable that there are 
societies within our field which would be able to purchase 
and care for all the material thus found and that after 
a time there would be available for the historical student 
at various places within the Mississippi Valley a fairly 
adequate collection. 

Some of you are familiar with what is known as the 
Union List of libraries of Chicago. The publication 
began some years ago and has been revised about every 
two years. It contains a list of all bound files of news- 
papers and magazines in the libraries of Chicago that 
are open to the public. Incomplete files are noted, as 
well as the numbers of the volumes actually in each 
library. It is possible for any one wishing to consult 
these periodicals to know at once where to find the par- 
ticular volume that he wants. It seems to me that some 
such publication would be of great help, particularly if 
some general plan could be adopted by which any one 
not able to visit the library in person may secure the 
material that he needs. 

Personally, I should like to see a wider acquaintance 
in the North with the materials for Southern history. 
With a few notable exceptions, primary and secondary 
authorities alike are affected by sectional and factional 
views. I know of no better way to remedy this condition 
of affairs than by publication of sources which will show, 
not only the politics and political conditions in the South 
but the social and economic conditions also. 

It seems to me that there is in process a differentia- 
tion in the subject matter of history. Ten years ago, 
especially in referring to our own history there was no 
need for a defining adjective. That it was political his- 


lory went without saying. At present there is a decided 
tendency toward separation, and I trust the time is not 
far distant when we shall have social, economic, and in- 
dustrial histories which compare favorably with those 
which are chiefly political. The materials for such work 
are, to a great degree, not arranged, not sifted, nor even 
collected, though in special lines something has been done 
and more has been planned. Perhaps this association 
might do something to collect such material, or to classify 
what is already collected with a view to showing where 
notable gaps exist and how they may be filled. We can 
hardly overestimate the great changes of the last quarter 
century; the growth of large cities with the problems 
they involve, the rapid development of industries and 
formation of industrial classes and the growing im- 
portance of the scientific study of economic history. For 
this an immense amount of preliminary work is neces- 
sary, work which the associated societies here represented 
are particularly well fitted to perform. 

There seems to be a generally accepted opinion that 
such an association as this can justify its existence only 
by publication. The question seems to me open to argu- 
ment. This is probably not the sole end or whole duty 
of an historical society, and moreover, this organization 
occupies the somewhat peculiar position as a union of 
other bodies many of which have their own publications. 
Neither are we prepared to make or care for collections 
necessary to form the basis of a new series of publica- 
tions. There is one field suggested by Mr. Clark, of A. H. 
Clark and Company, in a letter, a copy of which Dr. 
Alvord has kindly furnished me. Mr. Clark suggests a 
Mississippi Valley Historical Series "to consist of un- 
published material or reprint material where the original 
is excessively rare, and of scholarly original contribu- 
tions.' ' He further suggests that a committee of three 
be appointed to pass upon the publication of any material 


presented. Mr. Clark concludes his letter by outlining 
the terms upon which his firm would agree to publish 
such material. It seems to me that the scheme is in gen- 
eral a good one but that some important modifications 
are necessary. In the first place the societies which are 
members of this Association are to be considered. I am 
fairly certain that the Chicago Society would not look 
favorably upon the publication of material which be- 
longed properly to Chicago local history. I presume the 
Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin societies would view 
the matter in about the same light. On the other hand, 
there may be within our territory material belonging to 
certain societies which are not prepared to undertake 
publication and this Association might undertake the work 
for them. Here the question arises at once as to the 
value of the matter which is likely to be in possession of 
societies not able to publish it. Ordinarily speaking, the 
material would hardly be worth publishing, or in many 
cases where it is of value it would belong properly to 
one or another of the members of this Association. 

I confess that this with me is the difficult part of the 
problem. It seems to me that we must guard the indi- 
vidual rights of our members, that we should stimulate 
rather than check their activities, and while doing this 
discover for ourselves or create a field of usefulness. 
Undoubtedly there is a considerable amount of unpub- 
lished material especially along hitherto unexploited 
lines; there is perhaps a decided want to be filled by 
what Mr. Clark refers to as "scholarly original con- 
tributions ".In this case, I take it, that Mr. Clark refers 
to monographs of some size such as Ogg's Opening of 
the Mississippi or McCaleb's Aaron Burr Conspiracy in 
which case the rights and preferences of the author are 
to be considered, since it may be supposed that the 
author would ordinarily be able to publish independently 
whatever the society might be willing to recommend. 


There are two ways in which, it seems to me, a be- 
ginning may be made. I am not prepared to do more 
than outline each in a rough way. The material for use- 
ful reprints has not been exhausted by any means. I take 
it that a new edition of Frederick Law Olmstead's books 
so arranged as not to repeat material will meet with a 
ready sale in a few years if not at present. There are 
some books by foreign travellers in America written dur- 
ing the period from 1820 to 1850 which are worth reprint- 
ing, though the sale would be difficult if, as has happened 
in some recent instances, the price was fixed at two or 
three times that of an original copy. I confess I should 
like to see a reprint of the works of that first of strenu- 
ous suffragettes, Fanny Wright, with an appreciative 
biography and something of a history of the society of 
which she formed a part. An editor and biographer is 
at hand in the person of a descendant in Cincinnati. This 
field is, it seems to me, a large and fruitful one, needing 
only scholarly selection and editing to procure good re- 

May I be excused if I return again to the news- 
papers f It goes without saying that only a few libraries 
can hope to possess any large number of files. It is also 
certain that most of us care very little for ninety per 
cent of the contents of a newspaper. Still it might be 
worth while to determine several lines upon which con- 
temporary material is needed and to reprint from the 
leading papers whatever will help investigators in those 
lines. I take it that such a series would be something 
like Fleming's Documentary History of Reconstruction 
except that the extracts would probably need an alto- 
gether different arrangement, and should certainly be of 
greater length. 

The question would arise at once as to whether 
these volumes should be made up topically, geographic- 
ally, or chronologically, and, in this last case, be confined 


to the extracts from a single publication. Most of us, 
I take it, use Benton's Abridgement instead of the orig- 
inal Debates whenever possible. The series of Selections 
from the Gentleman's Magazine is far easier handled, 
and, in the ordinary case, quite as valuable as the Mag- 
azine itself. This question would be one for an editorial 
board to answer but I believe such a series would be of 
considerable value. The reprinting of Niles' Register 
has often been discussed. Surely if there is a place for 
a reprint of Niles' there is a place also, for a series such 
as I have roughly outlined. 

Finally, there is the question of a periodical publica- 
tion. There are at least twenty of considerable merit in 
the field, many of them receiving only an uncertain sup- 
port. In the case of such a publication the editorial and 
business management are attended with many difficulties. 
Few men able to do the editorial work well can afford 
the necessary expenditure of energy, time and money. 
Contributions of material are sure to come in slowly and 
since they are unpaid, often mean, if worth printing, a 
financial loss to the author. The business management 
labors under equally great disadvantages. It is ex- 
tremely difficult to secure continued support for a mag- 
azine devoted especially to history, chiefly by reason of 
the fact that nearly every number of our standard mag- 
azines contains one or more articles of an historical char- 
acter for which the authors are well paid. Devices of 
illuminated covers, photogravures, and striking arrange- 
ment of pages are usually the signs of failing health and 
sooner or later there are strong appeals for help to a 
charitable public. 

Then, too, I take it we owe our first support to the 
American Historical Review, which has an established 
standing, is ably edited and, far better than any other 
publication, supplies the technical help needed by the 
scholar. Add to this the Political Science Review, the 


Annals of the American Academy, the publications of the 
various universities and it will be seen that the technical 
field is pretty well covered. A magazine of popular his- 
tory if it succeeds at all, will succeed only upon a plan 
similar to that adopted by other popular publications 
and such a magazine, it seems to me, this association is 
not prepared to initiate or manage. 

Still it is certain that the Association has willing 
hands and such, we are told, will always find work to do. 
That it waits to be done is apparent; the choice of the 
field and the preparation of it seem to be the tasks im- 
mediately before the Association. 


By Clarence W. Alvord 

It must be a source of regret to all of us that this 
first formal meeting of our new Association occurs with- 
out the presence of our President. It would have been 
both pleasant and profitable to have heard to-night the 
voice of one who has so successfully built up and ad- 
ministered a great department of State archives and 
who is universally acknowledged one of the leading his- 
torians of the South. Dr. Owen's position and reputa- 
tion would have lent a weight to his words and his pres- 
ence would have given an added importance to this meet- 
ing and a strength to the Association which can not be 
imparted, I fear, by his deputy. It would have been, 
indeed, most fitting that this meeting of the Mississippi 
Valley Historical Association, which has been dedicated 
to the study of the history of the West, both North and 
South, should be addressed by a southern President at 
a meeting held in the farthest North. 

The fact that the first permanent President of this 
Association, which was born in the North, was chosen 
from among the southern historians, is not without its 
significance. The struggle over slavery filled so com- 
pletely the middle decades of the past century that the 
artificial line known as that of Mason and Dixon has 
come to have for most of us the reality of a physical 
barrier stretching across our continent; so that the sep- 
aration into North and South appears as a perfectly 
natural division of our people. Yet, had slavery never 
been introduced into America, it may be reasonably 


doubted whether such a dividing line would have been 
developed, for the natural configuration of the continent 
has bound the peoples living on the banks of the Missis- 
sippi closely together; and before the agitation over the 
"peculiar institution" reached a crisis, the economic and 
social bonds running north and south were even stronger 
than those between the East and West, and the great 
river whose name we have adopted was the principal cord 
binding together the peoples. 

From the time that Joliet and Marquette paddled 
down its stream, awed by its magnitude, impressed by its 
beauty, and wondering at the strange peoples along its 
banks, the Mississippi has been the greatest factor in the 
discovery and development of the West. It was the talis- 
man that drew westward the earliest explorers of French 
and English speech. The French in possession of its 
headwaters planted a colony at its mouth that they might 
control this future artery of trade ; and in their flat-boats, 
pirogues, and canoes, they carried the wheat and furs 
of the upper valley to New Orleans to be marketed. When 
the Anglo-Saxon came into control the British govern- 
ment found, as General Gage put it, that the natural 
course of trade was down stream, and try as hard as they 
could to encourage the Ohio Eiver trade, the products of 
the West sought a market in Spanish New Orleans ; and 
this was probably the most important cause for the op- 
position to colonies west of the Alleghanies that was de- 
veloped in the British ministry. The Westerners in the 
early days of our Federal Union realized the importance 
of keeping the Mississippi open in spite of the hostility 
of the Spaniards and the passiveness of the Northeast. 
In these pioneer days the great river became more and 
more important until the traffic of its waters created 
that noble fleet of river steamboats that were the pride 
of the West. 

To-day, when the blood heated by the fires of Civil 
War is cooling, these relations between the States of the 


Gulf and of the upper valley are again being reestab- 
lished. The money of the Northwest is seeking invest- 
ment in southern plantations ; our people are constantly 
passing from the North southward and from the South 
northward. Political parties are seeking to make cap- 
ital out of the divided interests of the East and West; 
and should the deep waterway from the Lakes to the 
Gulf ever be realized, the unity of interest between the 
States of the Mississippi Valley will be seen to be a far 
greater factor than a difference based on negro servitude. 

Small and humble as the beginning of this historical 
association of the Mississippi Valley may be, I believe 
that it is not presumptuous or far-fetched to see in it 
another sign of social readjustment in these United States 
that was bound to follow the cessation of the hostility 
surviving the Civil War. For this reason it is regretta- 
ble that our President from the extreme South could not 
have addressed this meeting at the headwaters of the 
great river and thus have symbolized the unity of the 
history of the West, the idea of which has been so fre- 
quently lost through passion and fanaticism which were 
born in civil discord. 

With a readjustment in our modes of thinking of the 
division lines of our country, a new significance is seen in 
the similarities of northwestern and southwestern de- 
velopment; in the future a greater importance will be 
given to the fact of the long period of unity of the terri- 
tory of the great valley, and to the continuity of the pol- 
icy attempted under the various nations from the time 
of the French rule to that of the United States. On ac- 
count of the Civil War, historians have been wont to 
trace the movement of population along the parallels of 
latitude by which there was transferred the New England 
spirit to the North and the southern planter civilization 
to the South. And further research will probably not 
discard this historical viewpoint, but the movement of 


population along the mountain valleys and waterways 
has already been made prominent and the distinction 
between the North and South, so true in the East, is seen 
to have been not so much a truism in the western valley, 
where the southern men and northern men met in friendly 
intercourse to give mutual aid in clearing the fields, 
in house raising, and in the struggle with the Indians, or 
in rivalry at the polls. 

This readjustment of our point of view is leading to 
another result. Southern westerners and northern wes- 
terners seem to feel a common grievance; for it is a 
common complaint of both that the standard histories of 
the United States do not give sufficient importance to the 
events of their sections of the country, and that the 
development of the Northeast, particularly of New Eng- 
land, has usurped too prominent a place in the annals of 
America. This is undoubtedly true; and I should not 
be accounted prejudiced, born and educated as I was in 
Massachusetts, if I say that, measured by their importance 
in the history of humanity, the planting of Boonesboro 
in Kentucky, or of Marietta in Ohio, is of equal import- 
ance to the landing of the Pilgrim fathers at Plymouth, 
or that the occupation of the Old Northwest by George 
Sogers Clark is not transcended in significance by the 
battle of Bunker Hill, and that each of these western 
events is as worthy of careful study and of a place in our 
histories as those that took place nearer to Boston. 

This charge is made against our eastern historians 
as if the undue emphasis laid on New England develop- 
ment was their fault — a charge that can scarcely be 
sustained. The historian is human, and those events in 
which his own people participated and which he knows 
by intensive study stand out prominently in his horizon, 
while the facts with which he is less familiar through con- 
tact or study appear as foot hills or are completely hid- 
den in his landscape. Hence the New Englander will 


always lack the true perspective, unless his brothers of 
the South and West place in his hands the means of cor- 

It is concerning this means of correcting the wrong 
perspective that I wish to speak to-night. Should the 
eastern historian desire information — and he frequently 
does — he encounters difficulty in finding it in a reliable 
form. In spite of the number of books that have been 
written on the West and South, it is hard for one who is 
not personally acquainted with the writers — and events 
even — to run down an authoritative statement of fact in 
regard to the Mississippi Valley. The charge may seem 
so exaggerated that it will be best to offer proof. 

We will take a text-book on United States history 
written by one of the foremost historians of the East, a 
book which is acknowledged to be one of the best of recent 
school histories and is being pushed into our high schools 
by one of the strongest publishing houses of the country. 
The name of the writer is not important, for I have not 
chosen it for purposes of criticism, and my wish is to 
show only how difficult a conscientious historian, not a 
specialist in western history, finds it to reach the truth in 
regard to matters of fact and interpretation. Not to be 
tedious, I limit myself to a short period, to which the 
text-book devotes eleven pages, and in which eleven pages, 
the author makes eight blunders. It will be best to 
describe some of these in order that you may better under- 
stand the significance of this fact. 

In writing of the French settlements in the West he 
says : "the French made various permanent settlements in 
the New Country, especially St. Joseph near the head of 
Lake Michigan (1681), Kaskaskia (1695), Cahokia (1701), 
near the mouth of the Missouri, and Detroit on the water- 
way from Lake Erie to Lake Huron (1701) ; and later 
Vincennes on the Wabash Eiver (about 1732 )." To say 
that a permanent settlement was made at St. Joseph in 


1681 is to identify LaSalle's fort with the later post, a 
statement that might be questioned; but in regard to 
some of the other facts there can be no dispute. Kaskaskia 
was founded in 1700, not 1695 ; Cahokia in the spring of 
1699 and not in 1701 ; and Vincennes was certainly estab- 
lished before 1732. In the list of eight mistakes, only 
two have been counted from this sentence. 

The next statement concerns Sir Wm. Johnson, so 
long the Indian agent for the British government and 
the most important figure in the opening of the West 
after the middle of the 18th century. The author writes : 
"Then five years later, [that is in 1718] the government 
appointed Sir William Johnson its agent to the Six Na- 
tions. ' ' What is the fact ! In the year 1718 Sir William 
Johnson had not received his title, for he was "little 
Willie" to his Irish mother, being at the time but three 
years old, and he was still to dwell in the Emerald Isle 
for twenty years before making his way to America. 

Under the heading of "Development of Canada and 
Louisiana 1721-1748 ' ', the author writes that the French 
planned the erection of a chain of forts "West of the 
Appalachian Mountains' ' but were stopped by the out- 
break of King George's War. Whereas the facts are that 
the Governor of Nouvelle France planned the line of forts 
on account of events occurring during that war. 

The last error of which I shall speak concerns the 
Proclamation of 1763, which organized the new provinces 
and the Indian reservation after the Treaty of Paris that 
closed the French and Indian War. This is one of the 
most important state papers concerning American issues 
previous to the Declaration of Independence. The author 
informs us that, "Instead of adding new area to any of 
the other colonies, several of which had once had charters 
extending west to the Pacific, the Proclamation cut off 
all the old colonies from the Mississippi basin." As a 
matter of fact there is not a word in the Proclamation 


which sets a western limit to the older colonies, nor was 
it the purpose of the British ministry to limit the colonies 
in that way. 

Here then is an array of blunders of various char- 
acter, all of which represent more or less an unacquaint- 
ance with the facts of western development. Yet the his- 
torian who wrote the book is not altogether to blame. He 
would be able to quote you the name of well accredited 
authorities for each one of his statements. My purpose 
in using the volume was to obtain a kind of bird's-eye 
view of the knowledge of the history of the West, and 
this eastern author has made it possible to gain it. Is 
it satisfactory? We who are acquainted with the facts 
and authorities of western history might have been able 
to avoid some of these errors; but (and this is to be 
carefully noted) we should not have trusted ourselves 
exclusively to the guidance of secondary authorities. Our 
means of avoiding such mistakes would have been to 
work over the field ourselves, and to have made an 
authorative statement ; but the eastern historian can not 
be expected to make a special study of all the vexed 
questions concerning western history. He has a right 
to demand that most of the preliminary work be per- 
formed by special students, and these must generally 
be westerners. 

It seems to me that it is just here that we of the 
West have failed. In every country hundreds of studies 
or monographs have been devoted to the establishment 
of the facts of development. Every phase of history 
has been or is being worked over and over again by 
students; so that it is possible to obtain the annotated 
editions of the principal sources, and monographs on the 
various subjects with which one desires to deal. In New 
England, taking an American locality, this is particu- 
larly true. The genealogist, the antiquarian, the essay- 
ist, the dry-as-dust seeker of facts, and the historian have 


all been at work until the main events have been viewed 
from so many points that approximate truth has been 
reached. Careful and critical studies have not been made 
for many subjects in western history. To a certain 
extent it may be said that our historians have been too 
ambitious in trying to write comprehensive histories, with 
the result that they have been able to take no time for a 
critical analysis of any one subject. 

Naturally the critical study does not appeal to the 
imagination either of author or public as does the larger 
work, but in the present condition of our knowledge, the 
monograph is the desideratum; and those who would 
attempt the more comprehensive work will find their 
productions in these rapidly moving days as much out of 
date in a few years as Peck's Annals of the West or Bey- 
nold's Pioneer History of Illinois are at present, for the 
day of the monograph in western history is already with 
us. Within the past few years scholars have been finding 
the problems of the West, hitherto almost neglected, 
worthy of serious study; and occasionally there have 
appeared monographs that have overthrown all previ- 
ously accepted accounts of events. These will multiply 
rapidly in the next few years. The pioneer period of 
western historiography is passing; the day of the remin- 
iscence is almost over. Not much longer will the West 
measure its historians by the whiteness of their hair and 
the length of their beards. It will soon learn that, gen- 
erally speaking, the man who has participated in events 
is the last one to write its history. 

The subjects of western history still to be worked 
over are manifold. Hitherto our historians have too 
frequently belonged to those who have limited the science 
to military events and those of high politics, and even 
here the field has not been completely exhausted; for 
example, there is to-day no definitive treatise on the cam- 
paigns of George Eogers Clark. But to the vaster and 


more important fields I would call your attention — such 
as the institutional histories of our various regions, the 
economic development, such as in agriculture, manufac- 
ture, and means of communication. Let our local his- 
torians collect all the available material on the immigra- 
tion into their communities, for the beginnings of our 
towns, cities, and counties are as worthy of intensive and 
critical study as are those of the older communities of 
Europe. Here in the extreme north of the Mississippi 
Valley may be traced the transformation of foreign com- 
munities into American. Some work has been done along 
this line, but much more should be done. 

Some students are never satisfied unless they are 
digging into a remoter past. Ignorant as I am of the 
present status of the study of the American Indians, my 
own work has taught me that much remains to be done 
before we understand the history of the contact of the 
whites with the natives. We are still waiting for a book 
on the way the territory of the West was obtained from 
the original proprietors. Accessible as is the material, 
there is no authoritative account of the United States 
Indian policy in this region based on a careful study of 
the Indian treaties and the allied documents. 

In all such critical studies one course only can be 
pursued. All available material must be assembled — and 
by this I do not mean only that which has been printed, 
for not a tenth part has been so collected and many are 
the errors that must be corrected because of too great a 
trust in the printed page. Our brothers of the East are 
finding out to-day that they have been writing history 
with a poor perspective because they have neglected the 
vast unprinted material in the European archives; and, 
in these later days, studies based on this material are 
revealing the true difficulties which Great Britain, with 
imperialistic aspirations, encountered in her management 
of the colonies. We should avoid their error. 


This brings me to the second subject that should be 
carefully considered by western historians, namely, mak- 
ing accessible to scholars the material for writing history. 
The sources for western history are widely scattered 
throughout this country and Europe, many of them being 
still held in private hands, where frequently the student 
can not get at them even if he should learn of their exist- 
ence. Every effort should be made to have such placed 
in some public depository. But this is not enough. The 
world of scholars should be informed of their place of 
deposit. There should be a publication devoted to this 
interest of listing manuscript collections. The Wiscon- 
sin Historical Society has made a noble beginning in 
this work, but the difficulties Dr. Thwaites found in ob- 
taining answers to his inquiries point to the necessity of 
educating the custodians. 

In former times the custodian of an important docu- 
ment hoarded the same in the hope that he or she might 
some day make use of it, and only under exceptional 
circumstances was the manuscript exhibited and then 
under pledge of secrecy. Unfortunately, there still re- 
main such custodians, but they are passing away. An 
historical manuscript in a public library belongs to the 
public ; and he who can use it has every right to do so ; 
and in order that it may be so used, the custodian should 
advertise his wares. 

Before leaving this subject of manuscript collections 
let us dwell a moment longer on where they are to be 
found. Every historical society of the West prides itself 
on some such collection (as every one knows who has 
studied western history) ; but besides these west of the 
Alleghany mountains, there are important collections in 
Canada and the East. In a trip last summer, I found 
such at Ottawa, Montreal, Quebec, Boston, Worcester, 
Albany, New York, Philadelphia, and Pittsburg. Some 
of these collections are well known, but most of them have 


hardly been used by our historians. Take an example. 
The most important collection of manuscripts for an 
understanding of the British policy in the West is that 
of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York 
State Library, contained in twenty-six large volumes. It 
would be perfect folly to write of the British period 
without a thorough knowledge of these letters. And 
yet, I do not know of an important published volume 
treating of the period, the author of which has made any 
adequate use of the collection, and the result is that no 
books have been printed on the West previous to the 
Eevolution that will not be completely superseded by 
the work of real research. 

Besides these easily found collections there must be 
many that are now rotting in cellar or attic of old home- 
steads. The men of the West have come from the East 
or Europe. Their letters home in many cases would be 
better material than those that have been already pub- 
lished. Every effort should be made to trace our western 
families back to their homes with the hope of unearthing 
such rich deposits of historical ore. This cannot be 
done by one man or a group of scholars. Family pride 
should be encouraged. Let the genealogists and the anti- 
quarians be set to work and their discoveries will enrich 
our science. 

I should not pass over the immense collections of 
material bearing on the early history of the West to be 
found in London and Paris. The word immense is used 
advisedly, for no other word will describe them. The 
number of pages of manuscripts in either place is counted 
by the thousands, and both archives have been almost 
unused by our historians. We have been writing of the 
French in the Mississippi Valley, and of the British 
policy in the West, without searching in the chief deposi- 
tories for our material. We might as well try to write 
of the Constitutional Convention without consulting 


Elliot's Debates. Yet the problem of using this material 
is not easy of solution. Every historian can not run over 
to Europe when he needs the information. No one society 
can afford to have everything copied. Here it seems to 
me is a place for cooperation among our various societies. 
The Committee of Seven on Cooperation between Histor- 
ical Societies appointed by the American Historical 
Association has considered this problem and is ready with 
a recommendation which they will in time make public. * 

What is true of London and Paris archives is equally 
true of those of Washington. Here lie in the Library 
of Congress and the archives of the various departments 
numberless papers of paramount interest to the histor- 
ians of the West that should be made public as soon as 

From this view of the field of work it may be seen 
that there is place for no jealousy or other than friendly 
rivalry among our State and local societies. The field 
is large and fertile, and wherever you may choose to 
cultivate the crop will be abundant; and if you are will- 
ing, like our pioneer ancestors, to lend a hand to others 
in clearing the ground, the labor will be more than repaid 
by the cooperation of your brothers in the work. 

Before closing it will not be inappropriate to say a 
few words to the librarians that may be present, for in 
our work they are our closest allies. The library should 
be made the centre for the collecting of material for local 
history. Here may be deposited valuable manuscripts 
and pictures, and, if space allows, a museum — not a 
museum of curiosities, but one showing the development 
of the place and community, beginning with the geolog- 
ical eras and passing through the period of the red men, 
of the trapper, to that of the farmer and manufacturer. 

i Since writing the above, the report has been made and work upon 
the manuscripts in Paris has been undertaken by several western historical 
societies and departments. 


I have finished. The suggestions that have been 
thrown out are not to be interpreted as criticisms of the 
work done in the past; for all praise is due to the noble 
pioneers in the study of western history. They have 
labored and we have entered into the fruits of their labor. 
They have felled the timber and broken the sod, but every 
generation must write its history for itself, and we live in 
the age of historical criticism. Ours is a science always 
in process of evolution, always reaching out towards the 
truth but never attaining to it. To assist in the struggle 
for this truth, the Mississippi Valley Historical Associa- 
tion was born out of the feeling of the unity of the West 
and the realization of the immensity of the labor to attain 
to the truth of western development. Many have ques- 
tioned the expediency of the policy that has brought the 
Association into being; for, they say, "of the creation of 
associations and societies there is no end, and while we 
have so many, why start another that is bound to die V 9 Al- 
though the grouping of men interested in western history 
seems natural enough, it is difficult to justify such a step 
before the accomplishment of some object for which such 
association has been formed. As supporters of a new 
enterprise we stand before the bar of public opinion on 
trial for the act we have committed. Are we prepared 
to offer our defense? Time alone can answer that ques- 
tion. At the present moment it is only possible to indi- 
cate along what lines that defense should be made, and 
such has been the object of this paper. 


By Benjamin F. Shambaugh 
[The address on this subject was given informally from notes.] 


By Reuben G. Thwaites 
[The address on this subject was given extemporaneously.] 


By Louis Pelzer 

A section of diplomatic history is contained in the 
dispatches of Augustus Caesar Dodge, Minister at the 
Court of Spain from 1855-1859. These four years cover 
a turbulent period of Spanish politics ; the correspondence 
records kaleidoscopic changes in the Spanish govern- 
ment; it tells of conferences with Castilian statesmen 
upon the subject of treaties, of claims and indemnities, 
and it represents a link in the long chain of diplomatic 
negotiations for the Pearl of the Antilles. 

A hardy pioneer ancestry marks the Dodge family: 
the grandfather of Augustus Caesar Dodge was wounded 
by a British bayonet at the Battle of Brandywine, and 
was a pioneer of several States of the Mississippi Valley ; 
Henry Dodge, the father, spent his boyhood in the 'Mark 


and bloody ground" and emigrated to Missouri; later he 
removed to Illinois and took part in the Winnebago War 
of 1827 ; five years later his services in the Black Hawk 
War won for him the sobriquets of "The Hero of the 
Black Hawk War" and "The Captain of an Aggressive 
Civilization". As Governor of the Territory of Wiscon- 
sin and as Delegate to Congress his public services helped 
to make and to mould the Commonwealths of Iowa and 

Augustus Caesar Dodge was born at Sainte Gene- 
vieve, Missouri, in 1812. During his youth and his early 
manhood he toiled hard at the lead mines in Wisconsin, 
and less than six months would cover the time during 
which he attended school. His public career began as 
Eegister of the United States Land Office at Burlington, 
Iowa, and in 1840 he was elected Delegate to Congress 
where he served for six years. During four years of this 
time his father served as Delegate from the Territory of 
Wisconsin. Later father and son sat together in the Unit- 
ed States Senate representing respectively the States of 
Wisconsin and Iowa. Defeated for reelection to the Sen- 
ate in 1855, Augustus Caesar Dodge was appointed by 
President Pierce as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary at the Court of Her Catholic Majesty 
Isabella II. 

In December, 1907, two well filled note-books con- 
taining copies of his diplomatic correspondence were 
found at Burlington, Iowa, in a store-room which con- 
tained the library of Augustus Caesar Dodge. The dis- 
patches are written in ink and are in an excellent state 
of preservation. Much of the writing is in the hand of 
Dodge, while many of the dispatches are presumably 
written by the secretary of the legation and by copyists. 
About four hundred closely written pages make up the 
two note-books from which only the last fourteen dis- 
patches to the Department of State are missing. 


Forty-two official dispatches are directed to Secre- 
tary of State William L. Marcy and fifty-three to Secre- 
tary of State Lewis Cass. Two unofficial letters to Marcy, 
three to Cass, one to James Buchanan, and one to George 
W. Jones, Dodge's former colleague in the Senate, com- 
plete the list of the communications directed to Washing- 
ton. About one-half of the correspondence in the note- 
books is comprised in the various notes sent by Dodge to 
the Spanish Ministers of State. 

From the Spanish revolution of July, 1854, there 
had emerged a singularly discordant and contradictory 
form of government. General Boldomero Espartero, 
who had been recalled by Isabella from his banishment 
to take charge of the disordered government, was ad- 
mitted by all to be one of the very few honest and 
patriotic men of Spain. He was said to be exclusively 
a military man, without talents or political experience 
but with a leaning toward liberal principles. Juan de 
Zavala, the Minister of State, was also a soldier without 
civil or political experience ; General Leopold 'Donnell, 
the chief of the revolution, became the Minister of War. 

Eepublicanism was being advocated at this time 
(1855) by the Spanish press as well as by many speakers 
and public men, but the people were not yet sufficiently 
intelligent along the lines of popular government to sus- 
tain a Eepublic, although liberal principles had received 
some impetus in the Eevolution of 1854. Indeed, the 
government was practically a despotism under the con- 
trol of military officers. In the retrospect of the long 
and bitter rivalry between the two men, the presence in 
the cabinet of both Espartero and O'Donnell gave rise 
to dismal forebodings as to the stability of the govern- 
ment. It was upon the former that all men of all parties 
believed that the existence of the government and even 
the life of Queen Isabella depended. 

"Never", declared Dodge, "were country and people 
in so deplorable a condition than are these at the present 


conjuncture of their affairs. ' ' In many of the provinces 
the standard of open rebellion was being raised ; laws were 
being trampled under foot; the treasury was bankrupt; 
the Minister of Finance had been defeated in the Cortes 
in all his measures for the replenishment of the exhaust- 
ed finances and there was a universal lack of confidence 
in the stability of the government. In such a condition 
of affairs it is not to be expected that Dodge enter- 
tained any but faint hopes for the attainment of the 
objects desired by the government at Washington. 

Spanish politics seemed to eddy around men rather 
than measures or principles: Narvaez, San Luis, Cal- 
deron de la Barca, and Senor de Cueta constituted before 
1856 the cohesive forces among the "Moderados" party 
while Espartero was the propelling as well as the cohesive 
factor among the "Progresista" party. 

The dissensions between Espartero and O'Donnell 
grew more and more acute until the rupture between the 
two men occurred on July 13, 1856, and O'Donnell's star 
was in the ascendant. But no sooner was he installed 
in power and Espartero out of the way than the contest 
for the overthrow of the former began and the same 
means and the equally bitter attacks by which he had 
vaulted into power were now directed at the new head of 
the government. Exiles of all political creeds returned, 
and it was boldly predicted that the Queen's favorite, 
Eamon Maria Narvaez, would force himself into power. 
"From his well-known character", wrote Dodge on Octo- 
ber 6, 1856, "despotism will again brood over unhappy 

Only six days later the 'Donnell ministry fell — but 
without any violent incidents. The bold and dashing 
Narvaez, whom the fickle Queen had welcomed with open 
arms, became the head of the new "Moderado" ministry. 
She was bitterly censured for this change because the 
'Donnell ministry had shown their fidelity to her at a 


time and under circumstances when dangers threatened 
her life and her crown. "Thus", reflected Dodge, " an- 
other evidence of the wisdom of the injunction, that we 
should not place our trust in earthly Princes." 

Dodge *s private and confidential letter of September 
26, 1857, to President Buchanan is a severe indictment 
of Spanish royalty and society — an expose which the 
restraint in official diplomatic communication would not 
permit him to express. "The domestic scandals of the 
palace, ' ' he writes, ' ' checked for a while by the revolution 
of 1854, are represented now, to be worse than at any for- 
mer period. . . . The Eoyal pair, though appearing togeth- 
er on state occasions, are known to be separated in feeling 
by an intense and mutual dislike. The King is actually 
charged with conspiring against her throne — he is be- 
lieved to be entirely under the dominion of Priests who 
surround him, and to have become a Convert to * Carlist- 

"The most sombre pictures", he continues, "which 
have been drawn of the immorality of the higher classes 
of Spanish society — in the Capital at least — are true. 
It is no exaggeration to say that every institution has 
degenerated and is now at the lowest degree of degreda- 
tion. All the public ladies of Spain — such as usually 
represent the authority and dignity of a country are 
notoriously base, venal and unworthy of the names 
which they bear — the taint of corruption is upon every- 
thing and almost every body. This is the lamentable 
condition of a nation, numbering 14 millions of people, 
possessing a genial clime, a territory rich alike in every 
thing that is to be found either on the earth or in its 
bowels, situated between two great seas and commanding 
the commerce of the old and the new world; a nation 
which but a few centuries ago spread its language over 
the globe, conquering, colonizing and boasting, in truth, 


that the sun never set in her dominions. Well may Spain, 
in her distracted and decaying condition, serve as a 
beacon light to warn other nations how speedily and 
completely the most magnificent fabric of national great- 
ness may crumble into ruins when undermined by the 
depravity and wickedness of those to whose hands its 
preservation has been committed.' ' 

"Patience and shuffle the cards" is a favorite motto 
of the Spanish politician. It was but a short time until 
the aggressive Narvaez, circumvented by royal disfavor 
and palace intrigue, found himself toppling to his fall. 
The Queen's success in juggling away her revolutionary 
generals had imbued Her Catholic Majesty with a sense 
of personal power which the ministry under the pressure 
of the revolutionary fever were bound sooner or later 
to feel. 

The political exit of Narvaez took place on October 
15, 1857, and Admiral Francisco Armero became the 
central figure on the political stage and the next victim 
of royal caprice and ministerial change. In January, 
1858, Armero was displaced by Francisco Xavier Isturiz 
who succeeded to the role of leader and chose a cabinet 
known as the "transition ministry". 

For nearly six months this inchoate body of states- 
men headed by Isturiz lived out a sickly existence — a 
period quite as long as the average duration of its fleeting 
predecessors. Leopold O'Donnell, the hero of the revo- 
lution of 1854, became the head of the new "Moderado" 
ministry, and the guiding spirit in the new government. 
With the many kaleidoscopic changes in persons and 
things speculation at once arose as to how long 'Donnell 
would survive royal caprice and secret political intrigues 
and retain his power. His tenure of office, however, sur- 
vived that of Dodge's and with his fine civil and admin- 
istrative talents, his bold and decisive character and his 
iron will the land of Cervantes once more enjoyed a 
respite of quiet and peace. 


A cherished hope of Pierce's administration was the 
acquisition of Cuba, but the undiplomatic course of Pierre 
Soule, Dodge's predecessor, had only increased the diffi- 
culty of the problem. Marcy's instructions to Dodge on 
May 1, 1855, had asserted that the acquisition of the 
island was essential to the welfare of both nations and 
that it was only a question of time; it would not be a 
forfeiture of Spain's honor and would furthermore work 
as a cure for the vexatious filibustering expeditions to 

Various causes had prevented a full discussion of the 
relations between the United States and Spain by Dodge 
and Juan de Zavala, the Spanish Minister of Foreign 
Affairs. The Spanish statesmen were obeying religi- 
ously their proverb never to do to-day what can be done 
to-morrow. On August 25, 1855, a conference was finally 
secured at which Dodge read his special instructions. 
This was to be Dodge's first prominent diplomatic duel 
with the Castilian statesman. Zavala listened with pro- 
found attention to the reading of the translation and in 
reply to the question whether he understood them, said 
he did so perfectly. 

But all the treasure of the earth, maintained the 
proud Spaniard, could not purchase the island, and any 
Ministry that would receive favorably a proposition for 
its cession would instantly be hurled from power. To 
Dodge 's proposition that diplomatic powers be conferred 
upon the Captain-General of Cuba Zavala expressed 
grave objections : it was a power which the central gov- 
ernment could not delegate ; it would lead to a dangerous 
exercise or abuse of power and finally it would be neces- 
sary that the agents of other governments be vested with 
like authority. 

Dodge expressed his regret that Spain made the 
question of the sale or cession of Cuba one of national 
honor, pointing at the same time to the acquisition of 


Louisiana and the Floridas by the United States. Such 
an attitude, he urged, was a reflection upon the truth of 
history and upon the illustrious dead. The offer of pur- 
chase was made with the most perfect respect for Spain, 
and he was amazed that Spain should regard the sale 
of the island as a matter of national honor. 

Another year of torpid and fruitless negotiations 
for the acquisition of the island of Cuba followed. Mean- 
while James Buchanan had become President and Lewis 
Cass had succeeded William L. Marcy as Secretary of 
State. Dodge for the second time now expressed his 
willingness to resign his post if his presence at Madrid 
would interfere for a single day with the policies of 
President Buchanan. 

This was followed by a long private and confidential 
letter to President Buchanan (dated September 26, 1857). 
In this letter Dodge speaks not in the careful and crafty 
diplomacy of a ministerial conference or an official dis- 
patch, but in the free and open language of friendly inter- 
course. ' ' The acquisition of Cuba I am well aware, ' ' he 
writes, "from your early and unflagging advocacy of the 
measure, is one which will be cherished and promoted 
throughout your entire administration: and justly does 
it deserve to be. It is emphatically an American question 
— one broad as our nationality, involving not only pro- 
gress and civilization but even our security in time of 
peace and certainly our defense in time of war ; and if I 
could believe there was a reasonable probability of my 
adding the Queen of the Antillas to our matchless union, 
by purchase, or by an acknowledgement of her independ- 
ence, or by loosening, in any way, the tyr[r]anical grasp 
of her unnatural parent, leaving Cuba to unite her destiny 
with ours or not, as she might deem expedient, I would 
not only be willing to remain here [that is, at the Court 
of Spain] .... but I should without hesitation ask you 
to allow me so to continue — there being no created man 


who has more at heart the attainment of the object in 
question, or the triumphant success of your administra- 
tion .... than has the writer of this. Candor, however, 
compels me to say that our prospect here is most 
gloomy. ' ' 

A paragraph of censure is provoked by his baffled 
efforts. "If ever there was a Colonial possession not 
for sale", he declares, "it is Cuba — if ever there was an 
entire nation, which had taken the oath of Hannibal 
against Rome, it is Spain in opposition to all of our views, 
hopes, and aspirations respecting that Island, and from 
the proud, stub[b]orn and uncalculating character of the 
degenerate Spaniard no satisfactory arrangement, in my 
opinion, can ever be made with him, nor need any be 
looked for until he shall have reformed his morals and 
government — certainly not so long as the present 
condition of things exists in this country or the balance 
of power in Europe remains anything like what it now 

The Spanish pride and stubbornness upon the sub- 
ject of Cuba he explains as follows: "All here know 
that a cause of the fanatical opposition manifested to 
any arrangement with us touching Cuba .... is the 
notorious fact that that Island is to Spanish officials a rich 
mine, one in which nearly all in authority, both here & 
in Cuba have a share of the illegitimate plunder. The 
1 outs' are quite as much interested in the preservation 
of the spoils as the 'ins' — for with each Ministerial 
change, occurring on an average every nine months, there 
is a change of the persons holding place. ' ' 

The final settlement of the "Black Warrior" affair 
was consummated during Dodge's term. Besides the 
regular routine duties of the office commercial treaties 
were negotiated, claims for indemnities were adjusted, 
and difficulties on the high seas were presented for settle- 
ment. Augustus Caesar Dodge's career at Madrid can 


not, however, be said to have been fruitful in diplomatic 
achievement: the nation's weakness from incessant revo- 
lutionary fevers and from the inefficiency and dishonesty 
of its public servants was not conducive to the growth 
of an intelligent foreign policy or diplomacy. This fact 
must be remembered in recalling Dodge's failure to se- 
cure that Island, which, about forty years later, the 
United States welcomed into the family of nations. 

By Jonas Viles 

[Mr. Viles being unable to attend, his paper was not presented.] 


By Laurence M. Larson 

Seventy-five years ago the region about Milwaukee 
Bay was still a wilderness. The American Fur Company 
had a trading post on the Milwaukee River, but as yet 
no one had attempted to settle the country. The trading 
post was not a recent establishment: for nearly fifty 
years the red man had disposed of his surplus at this 
point. Traders had come and gone, but no one seems 
to have taken up a permanent abode in the Milwaukee 
region before 1818. That year Solomon Juneau came 
to take charge of the fur trade, and for the next fifteen 
years the log cabin of the Juneau family was the only 
evidence about the bay of an advancing civilization. 1 
But in 1833 home-seekers of a different type began to 
arrive, and a decade later the lonely trading post had 
expanded into a vigorous community (or group of com- 
munities) of nearly ten thousand inhabitants. 2 

The pioneers who came to Milwaukee Bay during 
the thirties were convinced from the very first that here 
was the site of a great city in the future. Possibly 
Chicago might some day become a dangerous rival, but 
that was extremely doubtful. For it was felt in those 

i Buck 's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vol. I, pp. 10, 16. 
2 Buck ; s Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vol. I, p. 105. 


days that Milwaukee had greater possibilities in the way 
of a harbor than any other point on the lake. No great 
importance was attached to the bay — it is hardly more 
than a westward curve in the shore line — but the rivers 
were full of promise. Of these the larger is Milwaukee 
Eiver, a small stream less than a hundred miles in length 
which at that time emptied into the bay a short distance 
below the point where the shore begins to curve south- 
eastward. For several miles of its lower course it flows 
almost parallel to the lake and in places approaches very 
near the shore. About a mile and a quarter from its 
original outlet the Milwaukee is joined by a stream from 
the west, the Menomonee. These two rivers divide the 
region into three distinct sections: a narrow strip lying 
between the Milwaukee Eiver and Lake Michigan, known 
as the East Side; the territory lying to the west of this 
river and north of the Menomonee, commonly called the 
"West Side ; and the country lying south of the Menomonee 
valley, or the South Side. It is readily seen that a settle- 
ment established on Milwaukee Bay would be likely to 
take on a sectional character. 

At a public meeting held December 12, 1835, it was 
determined to ask the Legislative Council of Michigan for 
an act incorporating the settlement as a village. 3 The 
next year, however, the new territory of Wisconsin was 
organized, and the citizens of Milwaukee addressed a 
similar request to the authorities at Belmont. 4 The 
plan was to secure a town organization that would permit 
a division into three wards corresponding to the three 
"Sides". Whether the act requested was generally 
desired may well be doubted. Milwaukee was at this 
time a group of three small villages rather than one com- 
munity. On the east side of the river the settlement 
clustered around Solomon Juneau's old trading post and 

3 Buck's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vol. II, p. 23. 

4 Milwaukee Advertiser, December 24, 1836; Buck's Pioneer History 
of Milwaukee, Vol. II, pp. 108, 109. 


was commonly known as Juneau's Side. Across the river 
west was Kilbourntown, named in honor of Byron Kil- 
bourn, an energetic Yankee, who had first begun a settle- 
ment there. South of the Menomonee Eiver Col. George 
H. Walker was the resident chief, and this part of the 
settlement was known as Walker's Point. s Communi- 
cation between the various settlements was not easy. 
From Kilbourntown the pioneer looked south to Walker's 
Point across a stretch of waste land more than a mile in 
width, nearly half of which was a marsh where the water 
stood from two to six feet deep. 6 The distance to Jun- 
eau's Side was about half as great, but here a broad, 
unbridged river added to the difficulties. From the be- 
ginning intense hostility seems to have existed between 
these sections, especially between the East and West 
Sides. So great was the feeling that the owner of a 
steamboat is said to have been granted certain privileges 
by Mr. Kilbourn on condition that his craft should not 
touch on the East Side. 

Under the new law two elections were held in Feb- 
ruary, 1837, and two towns were organized: Juneau's 
Side as the Town of Milwaukee, and Kilbourntown as 
the Town of Milwaukee on the West Side of the river. 7 
Owing to some dispute as to land titles, the settlement 
south of the Menomonee Eiver remained for some years 
more a squatter community with no government but that 
which the county organization could afford. 8 The situ- 
ation with respect to the two town organizations was too 
absurd to be long continued ; its importance, however, for 
the future government of Milwaukee was great and far 
reaching; out of these rival organizations grew a type 
of municipal administration in which local self-rule on 
the part of wards or sections was emphasized beyond all 

5 Buck's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vpl. I, p. 53. 

6 Conard's History of Milwaukee to 1895, Vol. I, p. 9. 

7 Buck's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vol. I, pp. 110, 111. 

8 Buck 's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vol. I, p. 112. 


reason. A system of ward autonomy was developed 
which dominated city politics for nearly forty years and 
of which interesting survivals are still to be found in the 
constitution of the city. It is this experiment with ward 
autonomy that constitutes Milwaukee's contribution to 
American politics. 

The hostility that existed between the two towns died 
down somewhat in 1838; that year Messrs. Juneau and 
Kilbourn joined in a memorial to the legislature asking 
for a consolidation of the two organizations into a single 
town or village of Milwaukee. The request was granted 
and the new village came into being in May of the next 
year. 9 Under the law of 1839 Milwaukee was organized 
as a dual municipality. The village was divided into two 
wards corresponding to the two "sides". Each ward 
elected five trustees, and this council of ten exercised all 
the authority that the municipality possessed. The 
council had a president chosen from the membership ; but 
this official was in no sense a mayor — an executive head 
Milwaukee did not have before 1846. Sectional inde- 
pendence was secured as far as possible. No rule or 
ordinance affecting only one ward was to be passed unless 
it was favored by three of the live trustees of the ward 
concerned. The same rule held with regard to taxes and 
loans; three of the five trustees must favor the levy or 
the loan to make it binding on the ward in question. 
"Ward loans might be made by a majority of the ward 
trustees if the electorate consented to the same; such 
loans were to be made in the name of the city, but only 
the property of the ward benefited was pledged in pay- 
ment. Taxes were to be spent in the ward where they 
were raised, except such a part as was needed to defray 
common ward expenses ; but as the citizens of early Mil- 
waukee had great difficulties in determining what was 

9 Buck 's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, Vol. I, p. 112. 


necessary for the common welfare, these general expenses 
were not very burdensome. 10 

The municipal needs of early Milwaukee were in 
great measure the same as those of any new settlement : 
there were schools to provide, streets to build, and some 
sort of fire protection to be furnished. Before many 
years the river would have to be bridged, while the har- 
bor called for immediate improvement. For some time 
little was done to supply any of these needs except that 
of streets. Street work was a matter that could conven- 
iently be left to each separate ward, but bridges could 
not very well be built and maintained in that way. A 
bridge was therefore a menace to ward independence. 
No doubt the citizens of the East Side realized somewhat 
vaguely the need of some sort of communication with the 
vast region to the west of the river ; but the thought of 
having to spend money for such purposes was very 
unpleasant. Mr. Kilbourn wanted no bridges over the 
Milwaukee — he would do nothing to strengthen Juneau's 
Side. He did, however, see the utility of a bridge over 
the Menomonee and built one himself. n The Chicago 
road terminated at Walker's Point, connecting with the 
East Side by means of a ferry. But after the building 
of Kilbourn's bridge the traffic was naturally diverted to 
Kilbourntown and the East Siders liked it ill. At the 
same time they realized more and more clearly that the 
river must be bridged; but when the bridges came the 
expense fell heaviest on themselves. The whole trouble 
culminated in a riot, the so-called "Bridge War" of 1845, 
in which all the bridges were practically destroyed. 12 
The rioters, we are told, brought out an old cannon, loaded 
it with old iron, and pointed it at the house of Mr. Kil- 

io Laws of Wisconsin (Local) 1838-1839, No. 53. 

1 1 Conard 's History of Milwaukee, Vol. I, pp. 40, 41. 

12 For an extended account of these troubles, see Milwaukee (to 
1881), Ch. XVI. (This work is published by the Western Historical Com- 


bourn across the river; only the fact that death had just 
invaded the household of the West Side chief prevented 
the angry East Siders from demolishing the home of their 
old enemy. 

Meanwhile the stream of immigration flowed strong- 
ly on. After twelve years the Milwaukee settlement was 
a city of some consequence, an average of nearly one 
thousand inhabitants having been added yearly. The 
municipal area had been increased by the addition of 
Walker's Point as a South Ward. But Milwaukee in 
1845 was anything but an ideal municipality. The popu- 
lation was scattered over three distinct areas, each of 
which was practically self-governing. There was no 
police department, and no effort had been made to pre- 
serve the public health. The fire department was a crude 
affair; the wards had provided something in the way of 
apparatus for fighting fires, but the city seems to have 
owned nothing. The school facilities were miserable; 
the streets were poor ; what bridges there were had been 
built with private capital. To a large extent, this condi- 
tion is to be attributed to a lack of adequate means — 
pioneers, as a rule, are not wealthy — but there can be no 
doubt that sectional jealousy was to a far greater degree 
responsible for this lack of civic progress. It was ad- 
mitted on all sides that the existing state of affairs could 
not continue ; but before a new policy could be initiated, 
a different form of government had to be provided. The 
village wished to become a city and requested a new 

A year later such an instrument was finally agreed 
upon. 13 It had been hoped by many that the legislature 
would create a real municipality ; this, however, was not 
done. Instead there was organized something that may, 
perhaps, be described as a municipal confederation. In 

13 Sentinel, March 6, 1846; Buck's Pioneer History of Milwaukee, 
Vol. II, pp. 250, 251. 


many respects the new charter was an improvement : for 
one thing it provided for a mayor, a visible head and 
supervising magistrate, but the powers entrusted to him 
were not great, and his term of office was limited to one 
year. 14 It may be said in passing that the city elected 
its Canadian founder, Mr. Solomon Juneau, as its first 

The corporation was given an area of about eight 
square miles divided into five wards, two on the East 
Side, two on the "West Side, and one on the South Side. 15 
Each of these was an autonomous corporation as under 
the earlier charter. Each ward was made responsible 
for its old debts, or such as existed at the close of 1845. 16 
This provision does not seem unreasonable; but the 
charter does not stop with debts already created, it sup- 
poses that the wards will continue to create debts. As 
before, loans for ward improvements made only those 
wards liable that benefited directly by such undertak- 
ings. 17 Loans for the general improvement of the city 
were to be paid by those wards only a majority of whose 
aldermen voted for such loans. 18 It will thus be seen 
that matters of general concern were likely to be neglected 
when appropriations were to be made. In the charter 
amendments of 1849, ward independence was further 
emphasized by the provision that the city could not be 
sued for any debt contracted in behalf of any ward; 
action in such cases would have to be brought against 
the ward itself. 19 From time to time, laws were passed 
authorizing separate wards to undertake various local 
improvements such as graveling streets, dredging rivers, 
building wharves, and the like. Special ward taxes were 

14 Charter of 1846, Sees. 8, 9. 
is Charter of 1846, Sec. .2. 

1 6 Charter of 1846, Sec. 50. 

17 Charter of 1846, Sec. 49. 

18 Charter of 1846, Sec. 49. 

19 Laws of Wisconsin, 1849, Ch. 91, Sec. 12. 


necessarily permitted in view of these expenditures. This 
extensive sphere of independent ward activity necessitat- 
ed a peculiar distribution of the municipal revenues; 
and for a number of years the ward funds were the most 
important headings in the annual budget. These are still 
a part of the financial system of Milwaukee. 

Each ward was thus a corporation having, to some 
extent at least, its own fiscal system. It could sue and 
be sued. It might receive legislative permission to under- 
take certain improvements on its own initiative. It could 
determine how far it would share in general municipal 
activities with the other wards. It seems that it might 
even form alliances with other wards for the purpose of 
carrying on undertakings in which they might have a 
common interest. It could often veto much-desired action 
on the part of the city as a whole ; the other wards would 
not be likely to shoulder heavy expenses when one re- 
fused to join in the undertaking. It is clear that under 
such a system the heaviest expenditures would be for 
local improvement. All this authority was exercised by 
the aldermen, of whom each ward had three. 20 It was 
these men who determined in council session to what ex- 
tent their locality should act with the rest of the city. 
They were the ones who let the contract and supervised 
the work when the ward proceeded with improvements on 
its own responsibility. We can therefore imagine what 
vast opportunities developed for the grafter and the 
ward politician. The f ramers of the charter realized this 
danger and introduced a clause forbidding members of 
the council to be interested in contracts with the city ; 21 
but I know of no instance where the law was applied. 
The provision making the aldermen who should vote for 
expenditures greater than the revenues would warrant 
liable to pay the "excess in their individual capacities' 

20 Charter of 1846, Sec. 8. 

21 Charter of 1846, Sec. 23. 

22 Laws of Wisconsin, 1849, Ch. 91, Sec. 6. 

>> 22 


also remained a dead letter. 

In nearly all the administrative departments that 
grew up about the mayor and council, care was taken to 
recognize ward lines. Each ward was to have its own 
school house ; each ward had its own night watchman. 23 
For a time the South Side ward had its own police court. 24 
There was a fire warden for each ward. 25 Some of the 
aldermen wished to have the wards continue to manage 
their own fire service ; 26 but finally the city decided to 
purchase the apparatus from the wards and organize a 
fire department on a broader basis. 27 The expense of 
building and maintaining bridges was distributed among 
the wards, but usually in such a way as to give the East 
Side the greater share of the burden. 28 Even in the 
matter of municipal credit did ward lines appear. The 
corporation began its career almost without funds. The 
creditors of the city, therefore, had to be satisfied with 
orders drawn on the treasury which would be paid on 
demand or not (usually not) according to the condition 
of the various funds. As these orders were negotiable, 
the holders usually converted them into cash immediately, 
though, of course, frequently at a discount. Thus these 
orders served as a sort of depreciated currency of which 
there were six kinds, one drawn on the city funds and five 
drawn on the ward funds. The existence of so many 
varieties of local currency of fluctuating value was the 
source of a great deal of confusion in financial affairs. 

After six years the first city charter of Milwaukee 
ceased to be operative. The system devised in 1846 had 
been a failure. So much was clear to all, but what was the 
remedy? That the autonomy of the wards was the chief 

23 Ordinances in Force, 1848, pp. 37-41. 
34 Laws of Wisconsin, 1850, Ch. 278. 

25 Ordinances in Force, 1848, pp. 20, ff. 

26 Sentinel, July 1, 1846. 

27 Sentinel, September 21, 1846. 

28 Laws of Wisconsin, 1846, Ch. 100. 


source of trouble was also generally admitted; the Free 
Democrat spoke of Milwaukee in 1850 as not a city "but 
five villages slightly connected together". 29 However, 
this same local independence had been a source of con- 
siderable profit to some of the more influential leaders, 
and could not be destroyed without something of a strug- 

The charter of 1852 continued the old division into 
five wards. In outline the form of government devised 
resembled very much that of the discarded instrument. 
Still, a number of changes and additions were introduced, 
most of which do not concern us, as they did not affect 
the relationship of the city to its component wards. The 
importance of the wards as administrative units was ap- 
preciably reduced. A stubborn ward was no longer per- 
mitted to veto acts of the council or of the city electorate. 
Greater emphasis was placed on the central administra- 
tion, and the city was now enabled to begin certain great 
undertakings, such as organizing a police department 
and constructing the harbor. Thus was begun the process 
of creating and accumulating a fund of common interest 
which eventually produced a real city. The municipal 
finances were simplified somewhat by the assumption of 
the ward debts on the part of the city. 30 Still, in levying 
taxes, the council had to regard ward lines very closely ; 
and the system of ward funds was allowed to exist as 

But the new system proved, if anything, more vicious 
than the old. Though the wards had been deprived of 
some of their former powers, the authority of the ward 
officials, the aldermen, had been appreciably increased. 
They were still able to contract debts on behalf of the 
wards, though only in anticipation of taxes ; 31 this limit- 

29 Free Democrat, December 30, 1850. 

30 Charter of 1859, Ch. 5, See. 3. 

31 Charter of 1859, Ch. 5, Sees. 7, 8. 


ation, however, came to mean nothing, as there was no 
real supervision and restraint. At the same time the 
aldermen were given extensive powers as street commis- 
sioners. In this capacity they ordered and contracted 
for all the work to be done on the streets, in the alleys, 
on the sidewalks, and on the public grounds in their 
respective wards. Their authority also extended to the 
gutters, the sewers, the rivers, and the wharves. 32 Each 
ward, therefore, had practically its own board of public 
works. The aldermen were required to report regularly 
to the council all their doings as street commissioners, 33 
but in practice the council had but small control over 
these matters. The result of this activity was to em- 
phasize the essential unity of the ward ; the improvements 
that appealed to the average citizen were provided, not 
by the council, but by the ward aldermen. 

Such was the system that governed Milwaukee during 
the decade that preceded the Civil War. In the city as 
in the nation at large, this was a period of great political 
ferment. The larger question of State rights found its 
local parallel in the assertion of ward rights and sectional 
rights. In those days Milwaukee was normally a dem- 
ocratic stronghold ; only at times of great popular dissat- 
isfaction was the ticket of the Jackson men defeated ; to 
accomplish this result it was usually necessary to use 
some attractive party name, such as " Citizens ' " or 
"People's" ticket. But in that historic decade democracy 
was being rent in twain by the great struggle over slavery. 
In Milwaukee as elsewhere, the factions fought with the 
result that a set of men got control of the party who cared 
little for the strife in Kansas, but much for grading and 
graveling streets. 34 

Without regard for advice or warning, the aldermen 

32 Charter of 1852, Ch. 7. 

33 Charter of 1852, Ch. 5. 

34 Buck's Milwaukee, Vol. IV, p. 29 and passim. 


in 1855 plunged into the work of improving the city. For 
the next three years Milwaukee was governed by the 
heads of the council committees ; the remaining aldermen 
spent their energies as street commissioners. 35 The 
story of these years is the darkest page in the history of 
Milwaukee. The law was being violated on many points, 
the plainest official duties were neglected. The regular 
taxes rose in amount from $80,000 in 1854 to $312,000 in 
1857. 36 The sums collected as special assessments rose to 
enormous figures. The municipal credit sank to its low- 
est level ; an issue of bonds in 1857 is said to have sold as 
low as fifty cents on the dollar. 37 During the same years 
the city was freely pledging its credit in aid of railways, 
and when the decade closed Milwaukee had a debt of more 
than fifty dollars per capita. The city was bankrupt. 

The discovery of these conditions produced a politi- 
cal revolution. In the spring election of 1858 the reform 
forces led by Alderman Prentiss swept the city; of the 
old council only eight members had seats in the new. 38 
A year later, however, the old machine again rode into 
power. 39 In the meantime the State legislature was 
striving to save the situation by amending the charter. 
The city council was reorganized into two houses, a board 
of aldermen composed of one member from each ward, 
and a board of councillors of twice the number. 40 The 
members of the common council lost their authority as 
street commissioners; this was transferred to a board 
of three chosen on sectional lines, one from each of the 
three "sides". 41 But a year later this board was abol- 
ished and the two ward councillors were placed in charge 

35 Sentinel, January 28, 1858. (Albany Hall Keport.) 

36 Sentinel, January 28, 1858. (Albany Hall Keport.) 

37 Free Democrat, April 23, 1857. 

38 Buck >s Milwaukee, Vol. IV, p. 260. 

39 Buck's Milwaukee, Vol. IV, p. 260. 

40 Laws of Wisconsin (Local), 1858, Ch. 117, Sees. 48-58. 

41 Laws of Wisconsin (Local), 1858, Ch. 117, Sees. 1-23. 


of the public works, the alderman acting as umpire. 42 
It will be seen that the charter amendments of 1858 did 
not go to the root of the trouble. The source of the evil 
lay in the doctrine that each ward or section must be 
self -administering. This doctrine the citizens of Milwau- 
kee felt unable to surrender; but, none the less, it was 
doomed; the extravagance of the ward officials in the 
years just past had made local autonomy an impossible 
condition and the development of a centralized municipal 
system was now merely a matter of time. 

In 1861 the legislature passed an elaborate act pro- 
viding for the readjustment of the municipal debt. Among 
the provisions of the act was one forbidding the issue of 
bonds for any purpose whatever before the old debt had 
been reduced to half a million. 43 By the charter amend- 
ments of 1858, the expenditures of both city and wards 
were narrowly limited ; for more than a decade the council 
was compelled to exercise the most grinding economy. 
Meanwhile Milwaukee grew to be a city of nearly one 
hundred thousand inhabitants and a vigorous demand 
rose for a new type of public works. The city had no 
system of water works, no system of sewers. When the 
time came for the city to resume activities in the way of 
public works, taxation and credit had to be employed 
mainly to satisfy these great common needs. As a result 
the ward funds sank in importance and those that con- 
cerned the entire city came continuously into greater 
prominence. Furthermore, a new generation had now 
come into control, one that had not known the sectional 
strife of earlier days, whose interest was broader than the 
ward or the ' ' side ' \ After 1870 Milwaukee was no longer 
a confederation of jealous and hostile wards but a real 
unified city. 

The origin of the earlier ward system has already 

42 Laws of Wisconsin (Local), 1859, Ch. 172. 

43 Laws of Wisconsin, 1861, Ch. 87, Sees. 4, 6, 7. 


been indicated. First of all the geography of the region 
was such as to make sectional groupings unavoidable. 
Another factor was doubtless the prevailing political 
theories with reference to the rights of States and sec- 
tions. The coming of large numbers of European immi- 
grants who naturally settled in groups helped somewhat 
to keep alive a system that offered so large a measure 
of local self-rule. But the different regions gradually 
lost their distinctive characteristics, new political theo- 
ries took root in the Milwaukee mind, and the alien in 
time became an American. It must not be supposed, how- 
ever, that all traces of earlier sectionalism disappeared 
in the sixties ; even as late as 1871 Milwaukee had some 
of the characteristics of a group of overgrown villages. 
With pain Mayor Ludington had observed that the coun- 
cil was too often swayed by sectional interests. He said : 
"Let us forever bury these. . .and be all Milwaukee". 44 
When the board of public works was created in 1869, 
each of the three original sections was given a member. 45 
The law establishing a school board commission in 1897 
virtually continued the same system. 46 Less than two 
years ago a determined but vain effort was made to 
induce the legislature to give the city a school board 
composed of a member from each ward. Till recently 
the legislature recognized the fact that the ward alder- 
men, the so-called "local committee", possessed a well- 
defined authority over matters of ward improvements, 47 
an authority that the board of public works has always 

In recent years, however, something has been done 
to eliminate these survivals from the municipal consti- 
tution. The school board commission is gone, and the 
school board is chosen from the city at large. The 

44 City Documents, 1870-1871, p. 15. 

45 Laws of Wisconsin (Local), 1869, Ch. 401. 

46 Laws of Wisconsin, 1897, Ch. 186. 

47 Charter of the City of Milwaukee, 1905, p. 53. 


city has been placed in position to remodel its board 
of public works. Since April, 1908, the wards have had 
but one member each in the city council. This, no doubt, 
means the passing of the local committee and the con- 
sequent loss of the last remaining fragment of that vigor- 
ous autonomy that the wards claimed and exercised fifty 
years ago. 


Alabama, Department of Archives 
and History of the State of, 15 

Albany, material on western history 
in, 107 

Alleghany Mountains, region west 
of, 9 

Alvord, Clarence W., Vice President 
of Association, 15, 27; reference 
to, 25, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 38; 
paper by, 30 

Alvord, Clarence W., The Study 
and Writing of History in the 
Mississippi Valley, by, 98 

Amana: The Borne of the Commun- 
ity of True Inspiration, by Benj. 
F. Shambaugh, reference to paper 
on, 30, 111 

American Fur Company, trading 
post of, 121 

American Historical Association, 10, 
21, 23, 25, 27; meeting of, 34; 
Pacific Coast Branch of, 37; rec- 
ommendations by committee of, 

American Historical Review, support 
of, 96 

Armero, Francisco, brief ministry 
of, 116 

Annals of the American Academy of 
Political and Social Science, 97 

Arikara Indians, relations of, with 
Mandans, 58 

Assiniboine Indians, aid given to, 
by Verendrye 's son, 47; reference 
to, 62 

Assiniboine Eiver, trading post on, 
46; reference to, 48 

Atkinson, Edmund, agent for south- 
ern Indians, 76 

Aulneau, Father, murder of, 47 
Ayer, Edward Everett, service of, 
to cause of history, 90 

Barca, Calderon de la, 114 
Beauharnois, Charles de la Boische, 
Marquis de, 43, 54; journal ad- 
dressed to, 46 
Bell, William S., speech by, 10; 

reference to, 10, 20, 33 
Bellin, Nicolas, French geographer, 

Belmont (Wisconsin Territory), 122 
Benton's Abridgement, use of, 96 
Berthoud, Edward L., account of 
expedition of Verendrye 's sons by, 
52; reference to, 53 
Big Horn Mountains, arrival of 

Verendrye 's sons at, 52, 53 
Big Horn Eiver, 53 
Biography, relation of history to, 81 
Bird Woman, misspelling of Indian 

name of, 62 
Bismarck (North Dakota), 49, 51 
Black Hawk War, Henry Dodge in, 

Black Warrior affair, settlement of, 

Board of Trade (British), object 
and composition of, 64; functions 
of, 64; early history of, 64, 65; 
recognition of importance of, 65; 
activities of, 65; regulation of 
colonial laws by, 66-74; control 
of, over commerce, 67-69; quar- 
rels between colonies prevented 
by, 69; regulation of laws affect- 
ing private property and credit 
transactions by, 69; discontent be- 
cause of restraint of, 70; creation 


of representative districts regulat- 
ed by, 70; development of west 
hindered by, 70; procedure of, in 
disallowing colonial laws, 71-74; 
similarity between Supreme Court 
and, 74; fairness of, 74; control 
of Indian affairs by, 74-79; re- 
dress of Indian grievances by, 75- 
78; letters from Johnson to, 77; 
attitude of, toward Indians, 79 

Board of Trade, The British, and, 
the American Colonies, by O. M. 
Dickerson, reference to paper on, 
29; text of, 64 

Boonesboro (Kentucky), importance 
of founding of, 101 

Boston, trips to historical spots in, 
85; preservation of historic build- 
ings in, 87; material on western 
history in, 107 

Boston Tea Party, 83 

Braddock, General Edward, 76 

Brandywine, battle of, 111 

Bridge War, 125 

Brown, Demarchus C, resolutions 
presented by, 31 

Buache, Philippe, map drawn by, 43, 
44, 54 

Buchanan, James, letter from Dodge 
to, 113, 115; reference to, 118 

Bunker Hill, battle of, 101 

Burlington (Iowa), 112 

Burpee, Lawrence J., account of 
Lake of the Woods massacre by, 

Burr, Aaron, Conspiracy, by W. F. 
McCaleb, reference to, 94 

Burton, Clarence M., absence of, 
from meeting, 29; services of, to 
cause of history, 90 

Burton, C. M., The Belation of 
State and Local Historical Soci- 
eties, by, 80 

Cahokia, error relative to first settle- 
ment at, 102, 103 
Canada, map of, by Buache, 54 

Cass, Lewis, dispatches from Dodge 
to, 113; reference to, 118 

Cathcart, Ethel M., 20 

Catlin, George, 51, 56 

Cheyenne Indians, 62 

Chicago, foreign element in, 83; 
Union List of libraries of, 92; 
reference to, 121 

Chicago fire, tablet marking place of 
beginning of, 87 

Chicago Historical Society, historic 
pictures in possession of, 85 

Cincinnati, newspaper files in library 
at, 91 

Civil War, change in feeling since 
close of, 99, 100 

Clark, Arthur H., Publishing Com- 
pany, communication from, 32, 93, 

Clark, Dan E., index made by, 5 

Clark, George Rogers, occupation of 
Old Northwest by, 101; lack of 
adequate treatment of campaigns 
of, 105 

Clark, William, 51, 56 

Colonial laws, regulation of, by 
Board of Trade, 66-74; method of 
disallowing, 71-74 

Colonies, American, control of Board 
of Trade over, 65, 66 

Columbus, Christopher, landing of, 

Commerce, control of, by Board of 
Trade, 67-69 

Congregational ministers, tax on 
Quakers for benefit of, 72 

Constitution of Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association, text of 
present, 13, 14; proposed, 21-23; 
adopted at Madison, 26, 27; 
amendment to, 32, 33 

Contents, 7 

Coteau des Prairies, 45 

Cree Indians, aid given to, by Ver- 
endrye's son, 47; error of, rela- 
tive to name Mandan, 61, 62 

Crow Indians, 62 



Cuba, efforts to purchase, 117-120; 
letter from Dodge relative to pur- 
chase of, 118, 119 

Cueta, Senor de, 114 

De Lancey, James, Chief Justice of 
New York, 76 

Des Moines (Iowa), invitation from, 
to Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association, 33 

Detroit, first settlement at, 102 

Dickerson, C. M., The British 
Board of Trade and the American 
Colones, by, 29, 64 

Documents, collection of, 90, 91; de- 
positories of, on western history, 
107, 109; preservation of, in pub- 
lie libraries, 109 

Dodge, Augustus Caesar, dispatches 
of, 111, 113; ancestry of, 111, 
112; birth and early career of, 
112; appointment of, as Minister 
to Spain, 112; discovery of diplo- 
matic correspondence of, 112; de- 
scription of conditions in Spain 
by, 113-116; efforts of, to pur- 
chase Cuba, 117-120; letter from, 
relative to purchase of Cuba, 118, 
119; importance of work of, at 
Madrid, 119, 120 

Bodge, Augustus Caesar, The Bip- 
lomatic Correspondence of, by 
Louis Pelzer, reference to paper 
on, 30; text of, 111 

Dodge, Henry, sketch of life of, 
111, 112 

Draper, Lyman C, services of, to 
cause of history, 90 

Braper f s Activities as a Collector, 
The Story of, by Eeuben G. 
Thwaites, reference to paper on, 
30, 111 

Duck Mountains, 45 

Espartero, Boldomero, political abil- 
ity of, 113; dissensions between 
O'Donnell and, 113, 114; over- 
throw of ministry of, 114 

Ethnology, American Bureau of, 31 
European Archives, neglect of mate- 
rial on American history in, 106 
Executive Committee of Association, 
reference to, 10, 13, 23, 26, 28, 32, 
33, 34, 38 

Fane, Francis, attorney for Board 
of Trade, 72 

Faneuil Hall, sacrilegious use of, 87 

Fleming, Walter L., reference to 
book by, 95 

Fodrea, Genevieve, 20 

Foreigners, desire of, to become 
good citizens, 83 

Fort Berthold Beservation, 51; re- 
mains of Mandans near, 57; Man- 
dan village near, 63 

Fort Dearborn, tablet marking site 
of, 87; tragedy of, 87 

Fort la Beine, building of, 48; ref- 
erence to, 52 

Fort Maurepas, Verendrye's arrival 
at, 48 

Fort St. Charles, building of, 46; 
identification of site of, 47; de- 
parture of Verendrye from, 48 

Fort St. Pierre, building of, 46 

Fort Sumter, attack on, 83 

Freeport Speech, Lincoln's, 87 

French and Indian War, 75, 103 

French in the West, Bisooveries and 
Settlements of the, 45 

French forts, error relative to estab- 
lishment of, 103 

French settlements, error regarding, 
102, 103 

Gage, General Thomas, 99 
Gentleman 's Magazine, Selections 

from, 96 
Germany, teaching of history in, 82 
Great Lakes, deep waterway from, 

to Gulf of Mexico, 100 
Green Tree Tavern, attempt to save, 

Groseilliers, Badisson and, visit of, 

among Sioux, 45 


Grosventre Indians, 58, 61 
Gulf of Mexico, deep waterway from 
Great Lakes to, 100 

Hardy, Sir Charles, Governor of 
New York, instructions to, 76 

Halifax, George Montagu Dunk, 
Earl of, appointment of, as Pres- 
ident of Board of Trade, 64; effi- 
cient service of, 64, 65; seat in 
Cabinet given to, 65; Indian pol- 
icy previous to administration of, 
74, 75 

Harlan, Edgar R., acts as Secre- 
tary of organization meeting, 10; 
reference to, 10, 20, 21, 23, 24, 
25, 30, 31, 32, 39 

Heart River, 51 

Henry, Alexander, Jr., 56 

Hidatsa Indians, villages of, 49; 
sites occupied by, 51; relations 
of, with Mandans, 58; description 
of villages of, 59 ; contrast be- 
tween villages of Mandans and, 
59; holy house of, 60; Verendrye 
among, 61; combination of Man- 
dans with, 63 

Historic sites, importance of crea- 
tion of interest in, 85; marking 
and preservation of, 87, 88 

Historical Agencies and Activities 
of the Mississippi Valley, Cooper- 
ation Among, by Charles W. 
Mann, reference to paper on, 29; 
text of, 80 

Historical societies, activities of, in 
the Middle West, 9; material of, 
28 ; cooperation of, in work of 
public schools, 84-87; historic pic- 
tures collected by, 85, 86; mark- 
ing and preservation of historic 
sites by, 87, 88; technical work 
of, 88, 89; suggestions as to pub- 
lications by, 89, 90; collection of 
documents by, 90, 91; preserva- 
tion of newspapers by, 91, 92; 
rights of, as to publications, 94; 

importance of cooperation be- 
tween, 109 

Historical Societies, The delation of 
State and Local, discussion of, 
29; reference to paper on, 80 

History, need of arousing interest 
in, in public schools, 80, 81; rela- 
tion of biography to, 81; ques- 
tions as to teaching of, 81; 
methods and purpose of teaching, 
81; teaching of, in Germany, 82; 
attitude of Russian Jews toward, 
82; obstacles to teaching of, 83; 
equipment of schools for work in, 
83, 84; necessity for more at- 
tractive books on, 84; plea for 
popularization of, 88; differentia- 
tion in subject matter of, 92, 93; 
new phases of, 93; errors in text- 
books on, 102-104 

History in the Mississippi Valley, 
The Study and Writmg of, by 
Clarence W. Alvord, reference to 
paper on, 30; text of, 98 

Illinois, University of, 15; Indians 
in, 31; State Superintendent of, 
circular issued by, 86 

Illinois, Pioneer History of, by John 
Reynolds, 105 

Illinois Historical Society, circular 
prepared under direction of, 86 

Indian affairs, supervision of, by 
Board of Trade, 65, 66; Shel- 
burne's plan for regulation of, 
78, 79 

Indiana, Indians in, 31 

Indians, resolution concerning pres- 
ervation of language of, 31, 34; 
encroachment upon land of, by 
whites, 76, 77; need of more crit- 
ical study of, 106 

Iowa, Historical Department of, 10, 

Iowa, The State Historical Society 
of, 5, 10, 20 

Iowa City (Iowa), invitation from, 



to Mississippi Valley Historical 
Association, 33 

Iowa Journal of History and Poli- 
tics, reference to, 38 

Isabella II, Queen of Spain, 112, 
113; Narvaez welcomed by, 114; 
mutual dislike between King and, 
115; fickleness of, 116 

Isturiz, Francisco Xavier, brief min- 
istry of, 116 

Jemeraye, Christopher Dufros, Sieur 
de la, nephew of Verendrye, 46 

Johnson, Sir William, made Colonel 
of Six Nations, 75, 76; efforts of, 
to solve Indian problem, 76; let- 
ters from, to Board of Trade, 77; 
suggestion of, on Indian policy, 
78; error relative to, 103; collec- 
tion of manuscripts left by, 108 

Johnston, Gabriel, Governor of 
North Carolina, 70 

Joliet and Marquette, expedition of, 

Jones, George W., letter from Dodge 
to, 113 

Juneau, Solomon, settlement of, on 
site of Milwaukee, 121; settlement 
around trading post of, 122; me- 
morial from Kilbourn and, 124; 
election of, as mayor of Milwau- 
kee, 127 

Juneau's Side (Wisconsin Terri- 
tory), 123; distance between Kil- 
bourntown and, 123; organization 
of, as part of Milwaukee, 123 

Kansas State Historical Society, 15, 

Kaskaskia, error relative to first 
settlement at, 102, 103 

Kaskaskia Indians, 31 

Kilbourn, Byron, settlement of, 123 ; 
privileges granted to, 123; me- 
morial from Juneau and, 124; op- 
position of, to bridge across Mil- 
waukee River, 125; bridge across 
Menomonee Eiver built by, 125; 

attempt to destroy house of, 125, 

Kilbourntown (Wisconsin Terri- 
tory), 123; distance between 
Walker's Point and, 123; distance 
between Juneau's Side and, 123; 
organization of, as part of Mil- 
waukee, 123 

King George's War, 103 

Knife River, 51; Indian villages 
on, 62 

Knotts, Minnie P., 30 

Lake Manitoba, 44 

Lake Minnetonka (Minnesota), 
meetings at, 10, 29, 33, 34 

Lake Nipigon, Verendrye stationed 
at, 43 

Lake of the Woods, portages to, 43; 
reference to, 44, 54; fort near, 
46; massacre at, 47; remains of 
party massacred at, 47 

Lake Saganaga, former name of, 44 

Lake Superior, map showing region 
west of, 43; portage from, 43; 
trading posts established north- 
west of, 46 

Lake Winnipeg, 43, 44, 54; trading 
post on, 46; Verendrye on, 48 

Lake Winnipegosis, 44 

Lamb, Matthew, attorney for Board 
of Trade, 72 

Larson, Laurence M., The Section- 
al Elements in the Early History 
of Milwaukee, by, 30, 121 

La Salle, fort established by, 103 

Lewis, Merri wether, 51, 56 

Lewis and Clark journals, mistake 
in, 62 

Lewis Institute (Chicago), 29 

Lexington, Kentucky, newspaper 
files in vicinity of, 91 

Libby, Orin G., 25, 26, 27, 32, 33, 
34; paper by, 29 

Libby, Orin G., The Mandans from 
the Archaeological and Historical 
Standpoint, by, 56 


Lincoln (Nebraska), organization 
meeting at, 9, 19-24, 37 

Lincoln Commercial Club, 24 

Lincoln-Douglas Debates, semi-cen- 
tennial of, circular describing, 86, 

Libraries, public, preservation of 
historical material in, 109 

London, material on western history 
in, 108 

Ludington, Mayor, plea of, for com- 
mon interest in Milwaukee, 134 

McCaleb, Walter F., reference to 
monograph by, 94 

Mcllvaine, Caroline M., 25, 27 

Mackinac (Michigan), 47; reserva- 
tion at, 88 

Madison (Wisconsin), meetings of 
Association at, 10, 24-28, 37 

Mandan (North Dakota), 49, 51 

Mandan villages, expedition of Ver- 
endrye to, 48; arrival of Veren- 
drye at, 49; Verendrye's son at, 
50; description of, 50; departure 
of Verendrye's sons from, 52; re- 
turn of Verendrye's sons to, 53; 
abandonment of, 62 

Mandans, visits of explorers among, 
51 ; movements of, 51, 57-60 ; sites 
occupied by, 51; scarcity of ma- 
terial on history of, 56 ; rich myth- 
ology of, 56; origin of, 57-60; 
description of houses and villages 
of, 57-60; civilization of, 58; trib- 
al legends of, 58, 59, 60; sacred 
animals of, 59; religious ritual of, 
59; contrast between villages of 
Hidatsa and, 59; holy house of, 
60; earliest historical account of, 
61; evidence that Verendrye did 
not see, 61, 62; importance of, as 
culture group, 62; disease among, 
62, 63 ; combination of, with 
Hidatsa, 63; last village of, 63; 
good record of, 63 

Mandans, The, from the Archaeolog- 

ical and Historical Standpoint, 
by Orin G. Libby, reference to 
paper on, 29; text of, 56 

Mann, Charles W., Cooperation 
Among Historical Agencies and 
Activities of the Mississippi Val- 
ley, by, 29, 80 

Marcy, William L., dispatches from 
Dodge to, 113; instructions from, 
to Dodge, 117; reference to, 118 

Margry, Pierre, collection of docu- 
ments by, 45, 51, 53 

Marietta (Ohio), importance of 
founding of, 101 

Martin, George W., speech by, 10; 
reference to, 15, 20, 22, 23, 25, 27, 
28, 29, 31, 33, 80 

Marque, Mr. de la, 48 

Marquette, Joliet and, expedition 
of, 99 

Mason and Dixon line, 98 

Massachusetts, tax upon Quaker 
towns in, 72; action of Board of 
Trade relative to laws of, 67, 68, 

Maximilian, Alexander Philip, 51, 56 

Menomonee Eiver, 122, 123; bridge 
across, 125 

Miami Indians, 31 

Michigan, purchase of Mackinac by, 
88; Legislative Council of, act 
of, 122 

Mille Lacs, 54 

Miller, George L., address by, 9, 
20, 24 

Milwaukee, founding of, 121; to- 
pography of country around, 121, 
122 ; natural divisions of, 122, 
123; desire for incorporation of, 
122; early organizations of 123, 
124; ward autonomy in, 124, 127- 
131; municipal needs of, in early 
days, 125; riot in, 125, 126; 
growth of, 126, 133; unfortunate 
state of affairs, 126; new charter 
for, in 1846, 126, 127; first mayor 
of, 127; administration of affairs 



in, 128, 129; failure of first char- 
ter of, 129; description of, in 
1850, 130; charter of 1852 of, 
130; politics in, 131; financial 
crisis in history of, 132; political 
revolution in, 132; changes in 
municipal government of, 132, 
133; abandonment of ward au- 
tonomy in, 133-135; reasons for 
peculiar ward system in, 133, 134; 
recent municipal legislation in, 
134, 135 

Milwaukee, The Sectional Elements 
in the Early History of, by Lau- 
rence M. Larson, reference to 
paper on, 30; text of, 121 

Milwaukee Bay, country around, in 
early days, 121; beginning of set- 
tlement around, 121, 122 

Milwaukee Eiver, trading post on, 
121; reference to, 122; opposition 
to bridge across, 125 

Minnesota, 45; earliest map of lakes 
and streams on northern boundary 
of, 43; exploration of Verendrye 
along northern border of, 46; 
travels of Verendrye and sons in, 

Minnesota Historical Society, 10, 20, 
27, 29 

Minnetonka, Lake ( Minnesota ), 
meetings at, 10, 29, 33, 34 

Mississippi, The Opening of the, by 
Frederick A. Ogg, reference to, 

Mississippi Eiver, place cf, in de- 
velopment of West, 99 

Mississippi Valley, history of, 11, 
28; home of Mandans, in, 57; 
unity of, 99; friendly relations 
between States of, 99, 100; dis- 
tinction between North and South 
in, 101; small importance placed 
on events in, 101; difficulty of 
securing accurate information on 
history of, 102; transformation of 
foreign communities in, 106; neg- 

lect of source material by writers 
on history of, 108 

Mississippi Valley, Cooperation 
Among Historical Agencies and 
Activities of the, by Charles W. 
Mann, reference to paper on, 29 ; 
text of, 80 

Mississippi Valley, The Study and 
Writing of History in the, by 
Clarence W. Alvord, reference 
to paper on, 30; text of 98 

Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation, organization of, 9, 10, 11, 
19-24, 37; meetings of, 10, 17- 
39; Constitution of, 13, 21-23; 
officers of, 15; motion relative to 
publications by, 32; amendment 
to Constitution of, 32; invitations 
to, offering places of meeting, 33; 
membership roll of, 37; financial 
statement of, 38, 39; auditing 
committee of, 39 ; suggestions as to 
publications by, 93-97; absence of 
President at meeting of, 98; sig- 
nificance of organization of, 100; 
object of, 110 

Mississippi Valley Historical Series, 
proposed publication of, 32, 93, 94 

Missouri History, Slavery as a Fac- 
tor in, by Jonas Viles, reference 
to paper on, 30, 121 

Missouri Eiver, Verendrye and sons 
on, 45, 46, 53; Verendrye 's first 
expedition to, 48; route of Veren- 
drye to, 49 

Missouri Eiver Valley, archaeological 
work in, 57; remains of Mandans 
in, 57 

Mohawk Valley, grants of land in, 
76, 77 

Monograph, critical, importance of, 
in western history, 105 

Montana Historical and Miscellane- 
ous Library, 10, 20 

Montreal, material on western his- 
tory in, 107 

Mouse Eiver, 62 


Narvaez, Eamon Maria, accession of, 
to power, 114; downfall of min- 
istry of, 116 

Nebraska Country, The, by Albert 
Watkins, reference to paper on, 
29, 80 

Nebraska State Historical Society, 
call for meeting issued from, 9, 
19; reference to, 15, 20, 24 

Neill, Edward D., history of Minne- 
sota by, 44; tracing of map made 
by, 54 

New France, map of, by Buache, 54 

New Orleans, produce of Mississippi 
Valley marketed at, 99 

New York, material on western his- 
tory in, 107 

Newspapers, preservation of, 91; 
location of collections of, 91, 92; 
list of, in libraries, 92 ; sugges- 
tion for reprinting of, 95, 96 

Niles' Begister, reprinting of, sug- 
gested, 96 

Nolant, Sieur, 48, 49 

North Carolina, trouble over repre- 
sentative districts in, 70 

North Dakota, 45; archaeological 
work in, 57 

North Dakota, State Historical So- 
ciety of, 29 

Northwest Territory, 31 

Nu-a-ta, former name of Mandans, 

Ochagach, map drawn by, 43, 44, 46, 

O'Donnell, Leopold, Spanish Minis- 
ter of War, 113; dissensions be- 
tween Espartero and, 113, 114; 
downfall of ministry of, 114; re- 
turn of, to power, 116 

Ogg, Frederick Austin, reference to 
monograph by, 94 

Ohio Country, grants of land in, 77 

Ohio Eiver, efforts to encourage 
trade on, 99 

Old Northwest, occupation of, 101 

Old South Church, meetings of 
school children at, 85; preserva- 
tion of, 87 

Old State House (Boston), preser- 
vation of, 87 

Olmstead, Frederick Law, suggestion 
for new edition of works of, 95 

Orendorff, Alfred, 25, 29 

Osborn, Sir Danvers, Governor of 
New York, instructions to, 75 

Ottawa, material on western history 
in, 107 

Owen, Thomas M., President of As- 
sociation, 15, 27; reference to, 
25, 28 ; position and reputation of, 

Pacific Ocean, desire of French to 
find way to, 44; desire of Veren- 
drye to reach, 46 

Pacific Coast Branch of the Ameri- 
can Historical Association, 10, 21 

Paine, Clarence S., acknowledgments 
to, 5; part taken by, in organiza- 
tion meeting of Mississippi Valley 
Historical Association, 9, 19; Sec- 
retary-Treasurer of Association, 
10, 15, 27; reference to, 19, 20, 
21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 33, 34, 39 

Pananas, Verendrye's account of, 49 

Pananis, Verendrye's account of, 49 

Parkman, Francis, 53 

Paris, material on western history 
in, 108, 109 

Parish, John C, acknowledgments 
to, 5 

Pasquia Hills, 44, 45 

Peck, J. M., reference to book by, 

Pelzer, Louis, The Diplomatic Cor- 
respondence of Augustus Caesar 
Dodge, by, 30, 111 

Pembina Mountains, 45, 49 

Peoria Indians, 31 

Philadelphia, material on western 
history in, 107 

Piankeshaw Indians, 31 



Pierce, Franklin, desire of, to gain 
Cuba, 117 

Pigeon River, 46 

Pittsburg, material on western his- 
tory in, 107 

Plantation Office, letters and papers 
in, 65 

Plymouth, landing of Pilgrims at, 

Political Science Review, 96 

Porcupine Hills, 44, 45 

Portage la Prairie, Verendrye at, 
48; return of Verendrye to, 51; 

Pottawattamie Indians, 31 

Prentiss, Alderman, reform in Mil- 
waukee led by, 132 

Proclamation of 1763, error relative 
to provisions of, 103, 104 

Pullman statue on site of Port Dear- 

Quakers, efforts of, to secure repeal 
of act, 73 

Quaker towns, tax upon, in Massa- 
chusetts, 72 

Quebec, material on western history 
in, 107 

Rainy Lake, former name of, 44; 

fort on, 46; reference to, 54 
Reconstruction, Documentary His- 
tory of, reference to, 95 
Red Lake, 54 
Red River, 44, 48, 54 
Ree Indians, 58 
Representative Districts, creation of, 

regulated by Board of Trade, 70 
Reynolds, John, reference to book 

by, 105 
Riding Mountains, 45 
Robinson, Doane, paper read by, 

30; reference to, 32, 33 
Rocky Mountains, land east of, 9; 

journey of Verendrye 's sons to, 

45; discovery of, 52 
Roseau Lake, 54 

Rowland, Dunbar, 26, 27, 33, 34 
Russian Jews, attitude of, toward 
history, 82 

St. Boniface, Manitoba, searches by 
Jesuit Fathers at, 47 

St. Joseph (Michigan), error rel- 
ative to first settlement at, 102, 

St. Louis River, origin of name of, 

St. Paul (Minnesota), Association 
invited to, 27 

Ste. Genevieve (Missouri), 112 

Sampson, Francis A., election of, as 
President of Association, 10; ref- 
erence to, 10, 20, 21, 24, 25, 29, 
32, 33, 34 

San Luis, 114 

Saskatchewan River, 43, 44; former 
name of, 44; journey of Veren- 
drye 's sons from, to the Missouri, 
45; trading post on, 46 

School buildings, change in charac- 
ter of, 84, 85 

Schools, public, need of arousing in- 
terest in history in, 80, 81 ; equip- 
ment of, for history work, 83, 84; 
importance of, in creation of his- 
torical atmosphere, 86 

Secretary-Treasurer, report of, 37 

Shambaugh, Benj. F., Proceedings 
edited by, 3; Editor's preface by, 
5; response by, to address of wel- 
come, 9, 20; reference to, 23, 24; 
paper by, 30 

Shambaugh, Benjamin F., Amana: 
The Home of the Community of 
True Inspiration, by, 111 

Shawnee Indians, 31 

Shelburne, William P., Fitz-Maurice, 
Earl of, plan of, for treatment of 
Indians, 78, 79 

Shoshone Indians, 52 

Shoshone Mountains, 53 

Shoshone River, 53 


Sioux Indians, massacre by, 47; ref- 
erence to, 62 

Six Nations, alliance with, 75; Sir 
William Johnson made colonel of, 
75, 76, 103 

Slavery, influence of, in dividing 
North and South, 98, 99 

Slavery as a Factor in Missouri 
History, by Jonas Viles, refer- 
ence to paper on, 30, 121 

Snake Indians, 52 

Soul6, Pierre, 117 

South Dakota, Verendryes on south- 
ern boundary of, 53 

Spain, events in, during Dodge's 
residence as Minister, 113-120; 
Eevolution of 1854 in, 113; de- 
scription of conditions in, 113- 
116; refusal of, to sell Cuba, 117- 

Springfield (Illinois), invitation 
from, to Mississippi Valley His- 
torical Association, 33 

Supreme Court, United States, sim- 
ilarity between Board of Trade 
and, 74 

Thornhill, 49 

Thwaites, Eeuben Gold, member of 
Executive Committee of Associa- 
tion, 10, 15, 23, 27; reference to, 
25, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 107; refer- 
ence to paper by, 30 

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, The Story 
of Draper's Activities as a Col- 
lector, by, 111. 

Tippecanoe, battle-field of, 88 

Trading posts, establishment of, 46 

Travels in America, early, reprint- 
ing of works on, 95 

Treaty of Paris, 77, 103 

Turtle Mountain, 49 

Upham, Warren, election of, as 
Vice President of Association, 10; 
reference to, 10, 20, 21, 27, 33; 
paper by, 29 

Upham, Warren, The Exlorations 
of Verendrye and his Sons, by, 

Verendrye, Pierre Gautier Varennes, 
Sieur de la, map drawn for, 43, 
54; position on Lake Nipigon held 
by, 43 ; map shown to Beauharnois 
by, 43; journals of expeditions 
of, 45, 46; journals of expedi- 
tions by sons of, 45, 46; begin- 
ning of explorations by, 46; forts 
built by, 46; desire of, to reach 
Pacific, 46; troubles of, 46; trav- 
els of, in Minnesota, 47; murder 
of son of, 47; first expedition of, 
to the Missouri River, 48; forts 
built by, 48 ; route of, to Missouri 
River, 49; arrival of, among Man- 
dans, 49; description of Mandan 
village by, 50; mistake in latitude 
made by, 50, 51; error in narra- 
tive of, 51; return of, to Portage 
la Prairie, 51; attempts of, to 
establish western posts and reach 
Pacific, 51, 52; expedition of sons 
of, to Rocky Mountains, 52, 53; 
return route of sons of, from 
Rocky Mountains, 53; map based 
on work of, 54; suggestion that 
county be named after, 55; ser- 
vices of, 55; accounts of visits to 
Mandans by, 61; evidences that 
he did not reach Mandans, 61, 62 ; 
mistake made by, relative to 
name Mandan, 61, 62; error of, 
in describing Mandan village, 62 

Verendrye and His Sons, The Ex- 
plorations of, by Warren Upham, 
reference to paper on, 29 ; text of, 

Viles, Jonas, Slavery as a Factor 
in Missouri History, by, 30, 121 

Vincennes, error relative to first set- 
tlement at, 102, 103 

Walker, George H., settlement of, 



Walker's Point (Wisconsin Terri- 
tory), 123; distance between Kil- 
bourntown and, 123; governmental 
status of, 123 ; addition of, to 
Milwaukee, 126 

Washington, D. C, material on 
western history in, 109 

Watkins, Albert, The Nebraska 
Country, by, 29, 80 

Wea Indians, 31 

Weber, Jessie Palmer, 29, 31, 39 

West, Eichard, attorney for Board 
of Trade, 72, 73 

West, development of, hindered by 
Board of Trade, 70 ; place of Mis- 
sissippi Biver in development of, 
99 ; importance of history of, 101 ; 
lack of material on history of, 
102, 104-106; error regarding 
French settlements in, 102-104; 
mistake of historians in, 104, 105 ; 
importance of critical monographs 
on history of, 105; unexploited 
subjects in history of, 105, 106; 
location of sources of history of, 

107-109; manuscript on British 
policy in, 108 

West, Annals of the, by J. M. Peck, 

Wheeler, Olin D., book by, 52 

White Earth Eiver, 51 

Winchell, N. H., geological report 
by, 44, 54 

Winnebago War, Henry Dodge in, 

Winnipeg, city of, Verendrye on 
site of, 48 

Winnipeg Biver, 48 

Wisconsin, The State Historical So- 
ciety of, 10, 15; documents in 
possession of, 107 

Worcester, material on western his- 
tory in, 107 

Wright, Fanny, suggestion for re- 
printing of works of, 95 

Zavala, Juan de, Spanish Minister 
of State, 113; discussions be- 
tween Dodge and, relation to pur- 
chase of Cuba, 117